This excerpt is from “Contemporary Korean History” published by Nankai University in 2005, which provides quite a lot of material on the process of the “4.19 Revolution” in Korea. I think it is very worth reading and understanding. However, the authors, due to their bourgeois stance, naturally do not thoroughly analyze the class struggle of the entire movement when narrating history, and rarely mention the differences in struggle between the bourgeois democratic faction and the broad masses of people. In the previous analysis of the Korean crisis during the Syngman Rhee government, various concepts of the Korean bourgeoisie were cited, along with many cumbersome data tables, which did not help much in understanding the class struggle at that time, so I deleted that part.
Although the “4.19 Revolution” is called a “revolution,” I think this term itself is probably imbued with bourgeois democratic ideas, and this movement may not truly be called a revolution. Because a revolution is an uprising, a violent action to overthrow a class. In the 4.19 resistance, although there were armed conflicts between the masses and the Rhee government’s police and military, and barricades set up in protest, based on what I understand from this article, the leadership of the entire movement was still composed of bourgeois democratic professors, who, along with the broadly participating students, mainly demanded the resignation of Rhee. Under the bourgeois conception of the state, they believed that Rhee’s resignation, the election of a new ruling party, president, and cabinet, and the establishment of a new constitution would complete their envisioned democratic revolution. In short, they wanted to transfer the state machinery to another group without overthrowing the entire state apparatus. I think this is just like the analysis in that article about Yoon Seok-youl, which is the poison of bourgeois democratic ideas on the masses. After Rhee’s resignation, the so-called Democratic Party and the Syngman Chang government, which came to power through a transitional government, soon betrayed the spirit of 4.19, shielding reactionary officials who suppressed the movement and not imposing much sanctions, while continuously intensifying reactionary repression against the people. Under the pressure of the Korean people’s resistance, the U.S. imperialist government tacitly approved, or even supported, Park Chung-hee’s military coup, using an even more fascist regime to suppress the people.1. “2.28” Demonstration and the “3.15” Fraudulent Election
In the late 1950s, South Korea under Syngman Rhee’s dictatorship was fraught with crises, with class contradictions reaching an unprecedented sharpness, and everywhere was filled with tinder that could ignite a fierce rebellion at any moment. First, South Korea’s economic condition began to deteriorate… factory operation rates were seriously insufficient, many enterprises closed down, and unemployment continued to rise. By early 1958, South Korea had 4.2 million unemployed. Accompanying the rising unemployment rate were wage reductions and extended working hours, which further shrank the domestic market, creating a vicious cycle, and the entire economic system was close to collapse. Compared to 1958, the economic growth rate in 1959 dropped from 7.0% to 5.2%, and the per capita gross national product decreased from $85 to $84.3.
… The Rhee government’s militaristic unification policy led to continued military expansion, significantly increasing military expenditure and tax burdens. In 1958, South Korea’s military spending increased by 11 billion won from the previous year, and tax revenue increased by 50 billion won. People’s lives were unbearably hard, and struggles of workers, farmers, and intellectuals for their survival reignited, leading to increased social unrest. Many workers gradually broke free from the control of the government-controlled “Daehan Labor Federation” and began establishing independent workers’ organizations. In October 1959, the “National Labor Union” (abbreviated as National Labor) was established. Meanwhile, some teachers in Daegu, Seoul, and other places also formed their own unions. Although farmers’ struggles were scattered at this time, there were new developments. Most notably, among young students, many groups emerged to discuss South Korea’s future, such as the “New Progress Association” at Seoul University’s College of Arts and Sciences, the “New Tide Society” at Law School, and the “Assistance Society” at Korea University’s College of Economics. Most of these groups advocated social democracy, but some accepted socialist ideas. The establishment of these groups laid the ideological and organizational groundwork for the large-scale student movements that soon erupted.
The “2.28” Daegu student demonstration was the starting point of the 1960 “April Revolution.” For a long time, the Rhee government aimed to strengthen control over youth students and utilize them by establishing government-controlled student organizations—“Apprentice National Defense Corps”—which conducted anti-communist education and military training on campuses, turning schools into political tools for implementing reactionary internal and external policies. In the April 1958 elections, the ruling party failed to meet its targets, and to prepare for the next presidential election, they used various means to boost Rhee’s re-election. On March 5, 1959, Rhee announced, under the guise of demonstrating democracy, that he would not participate in the next presidential election; meanwhile, his close associates and the Liberal Party organized “oath-taking rallies” across the country, requesting him to “comply with public opinion and run again.” These rallies attracted 4.2 million participants, mostly students controlled by the “Apprentice National Defense Corps.” The broad student population despised these shameful tricks and nearly reached the point of unbearable frustration. Against this backdrop, the fourth presidential election was held, and the Liberal Party’s election fraud triggered a nationwide rebellion, ultimately leading to Rhee’s downfall.
Although the 1960 presidential election was mainly a contest between two conservative parties, it was the most intense election in South Korea’s political history. The Liberal Party nominated Rhee and Lee Ki-pung as presidential and vice-presidential candidates, respectively, while the Democratic Party nominated Jo Byeong-ju and Jang Myeon. By the end of January 1960, Democratic candidate Jo Byeong-ju fell ill and went to the U.S. for treatment, giving the Liberal Party an opportunity. They decided to hold the election 12 days earlier and, on February 3, announced via “State Council Notice No. 75” that the election date for the fourth president and fifth vice-president would be March 15. Just as the campaign was reaching its peak, on February 16, Jo Byeong-ju suddenly died in the U.S., which was a heavy blow to the Democrats. However, the reformist wing of the Democratic Party decided to ensure Jang Myeon’s election as vice-president and adopt a strategy to prevent Rhee from obtaining one-third of the votes, aiming to hold a new presidential election and ultimately defeat the Liberal Party. To preserve its dictatorship, Rhee’s government used all legal and illegal means, raising campaign funds, bribing voters, threatening, and obstructing voters from voting against the party. They relied on state power to raise as much as 7 billion won, mostly from corporations; over 20 South Korean companies that donated more than 20 million won each to the Liberal Party were recorded. The government and the Liberal Party used these funds for extensive bribery activities. For example, on February 24, with approval from Vice Chairman Han Hee-sik of the Liberal Central Committee and Minister of Interior Choi In-kyu, police were allocated 1.11 billion won, civil servants and educators 240 million won, anti-communist youth groups 180 million won, and another 300 million won was used to bribe opposition parties. The government also devised specific plans for election fraud, personally deploying Interior Minister and bureau chiefs.
According to materials disclosed by the Democratic Party on March 3, the Ministry of Interior issued “secret directives” to police stations requiring them to use illegal means—such as fabricating fake citizens, replacing ballot boxes, ballot stuffing, and falsifying vote counts—to ensure the Liberal Party candidate’s vote share did not fall below 83%. These included pre-voting at 40%, advancing clocks by 10 minutes to prevent opposition election officials and observers from detecting pre-election fraud, deploying 50 party members and anti-communist youth at each polling station, and placing “death squads” inside to prevent disturbances; voters were organized into groups of three or nine for collective voting, with group leaders appointed from party members, police, civil servants, or their families, and bribed opposition election officials and observers through various means.
During the campaign, Rhee’s government ordered schools to become political tools supporting the ruling party. As early as December 26, 1959, local officials issued directives instructing school staff to “educate and enlighten the general public about elections,” which involved “praising” Rhee and Lee Ki-pung, guiding students and the public to select the president and vice-president from the same party, and persuading parents to vote for the Liberal Party through home visits. Teachers who disobeyed these orders faced immediate dismissal and police inspections.
In late February 1960, the Democratic Party planned to hold a rally in Daegu on the last Sunday of the month, the 28th. To prevent students from participating in opposition campaigns, on the 24th, Gyeongbuk High School, following education authorities’ orders, required students to attend classes as usual for the midterm exams scheduled for March 3; other schools, such as Daegu High School, Gyeongbuk Girls’ High, Daegu Girls’ High, Daegu Girls’ Middle School, Daegu Commercial High, Daegu Industrial High, Gyeongsang Middle School, and First Girls’ Middle School, either held sports days, makeup classes, or hunting trips under various pretexts. Furious at these shameless acts, Daegu students decided to protest outside the schools. Under student leaders’ coordination, over 700 students in Daegu staged anti-government demonstrations demanding democracy. These protests dealt a heavy blow to the Rhee government. Police arrested 50 students on the spot. The government’s brutal suppression provoked widespread youth protests across the country, spreading rapidly to other cities such as Seoul, Daejeon, Suwon, Busan, and others, with large-scale demonstrations in Busan on March 14, just before the “3.15” election.
The actual election situation was worse than the fraud exposed by the Democrats. On March 15, election stations everywhere were on high alert, with party members and anti-communist youth controlling the entrances. Some voters could not get the ballots they wanted, and vote counting was conducted under police orders. In Busan, Democratic observers protesting pre-voting were beaten by mobs and expelled; in Daegu, angry Democratic voters destroyed ballot boxes with axes; police arrested protesters; in Mashan and Jinju, voters refused to vote en masse, and bloodshed occurred at polling stations across Jeollanam-do, Jeollabuk-do, Gangwon-do, and Jeju-do. On election day, citizens and students in Mashan and Gwangju held large protests against election fraud, which marked the beginning of the “4.19” uprising.
Mashan, a port city at the southern tip of the Korean Peninsula with a population of 150,000, was heavily influenced by the Democratic Party. On the morning of March 15, some voters who had not received ballots gathered in front of the Democratic Party office, shouting: “Give me my ballot!” and stormed into the polling stations, participating in demonstrations with tens of thousands of people. Protesters shouted: “This election is invalid!” and “Kill National Assembly Speaker Lee Ki-pung!” The authorities immediately sent police and fire trucks to suppress the protests, shooting into the crowds, resulting in 10 deaths and 70 injuries. About 23,000 citizens and students took to the streets to resist, setting fire to the North Mashan police station branch, attacking and destroying the Liberal Party’s Mashan branch, the “Seoul News” Mashan branch, and the homes of some Liberal officials. The Mashan uprising shook the authoritarian forces and signaled the impending end of Rhee’s regime.
2. “4.19” Student Uprising
On March 17, 1960, the Central Election Commission announced the results of the “3.15” election: out of 11,196,490 voters, 10,559,482 participated (94.3%), Rhee received 88.7% of the votes and was elected president; Lee Ki-pung received 78% and was elected vice-president. On the same day, Rhee’s government retaliated against the protests on the 15th by arresting 219 people; on the 25th, many students involved in the protests were arrested; on April 6, over 5,000 citizens and students protesting in Seoul were also detained. The announcement of the fraudulent election results and the bloody suppression of protests in Mashan and other places sparked even greater nationwide resistance.
On April 11, the body of 17-year-old Kim Ju-ryeol, who was shot in the eye by police tear gas near Mashan, was found, immediately triggering the “Second Mashan Incident.” Over 20,000 angry citizens and students took to the streets again, shouting: “Execute the murderers who killed martyr Kim Ju-ryeol with our own hands!” and “Down with Rhee!” They attacked police stations, municipal offices, and anti-communist alliance offices, showing signs of turning into an armed uprising. On the same day, protests also erupted in Daegu and other cities, with participation reaching 150,000. Soon, students and citizens in Seoul responded.
On April 18, 4,000 students from Korea University held a rally protesting the government’s massacre of Mashan citizens and students. They issued a declaration to all students: “Universities are symbols of resistance and freedom. Today, the dying struggle of the despotism that suffocates us threatens the lives and freedoms of all citizens. As young students with the mission of witnessing history, we can no longer suppress our anger. If we do not purge the tyranny, irrationality, and chaos of today’s history, we will be cursed by future generations… Students cannot stay in ivory towers and avoid social struggles; we are an unfortunate generation. But how can we turn a blind eye to the evil reality that bleeds our compatriots!.. Remember: only we young students bear the heavy responsibility of creating a truly democratic history.” (The statement “Only students can…” is obviously wrong) In the afternoon around 2 p.m., the Korea University demonstration team broke through police barricades on Jongno and arrived at the National Assembly building, sitting in protest. They shouted slogans demanding the government “stop the murderous dictatorship,” “eliminate traitors,” and “punish those responsible for Mashan.” At about 6:45 p.m., under the persuasion of Democratic Party legislator Lee Cheol-seung, the students decided to temporarily end their sit-in and return to campus. However, on the way back near Euljiro 4-ga, they were suddenly attacked by armed thugs, anti-communist youth groups, and spies supported by the Liberal Party, resulting in over 20 students injured. The bloodshed at Korea University directly triggered a nationwide student uprising centered in Seoul. Under the leadership of student leaders, campuses across Seoul secretly prepared for larger actions. On the morning of April 19, upon learning of the events the night before, students abandoned their Sunday plans and gathered on campuses to march into the streets. In Seoul, between 8 and 9 a.m., nearly all university campuses displayed posters calling for resistance. The posters from the College of Arts and Sciences at Seoul University condemned Rhee’s regime, with slogans like “Here is the declaration of conscience. Because we love our homeland immensely, we care deeply about its fate. We must criticize this pseudo-democracy. How can love and concern for the homeland be merely nominal? We have endured enough. The time to bring all corruption and evil to justice has come! Today, standing under the solemn conscience of the university, we rise up with bayonets! How can we seek comfort and rest in the face of our compatriots’ brutal slaughter! Comrades, let us all mobilize for justice!” Under this revolutionary call, by 9:20 a.m., over 2,000 students from Seoul University gathered at the main gate, reading the “Declaration of the Times” drafted by arts students, and, together with students from nearby middle schools, marched toward the National Assembly building along Jongno. Later, students from Kookmin University, Dongguk University, Korea University, Seoul Normal University, Seoul Medical College, Chung-Ang University, Yonsei University, Sungkyunkwan University, Kyunghee University, Ewha Womans University, and Sookmyung Women’s University, as well as middle school students centered around East City High School, joined the march.
By 1:30 p.m., including citizens who joined the protest, the number of participants reached 100,000. Suddenly, in the Dongguk University demonstration, the slogan “To Gyeongwadae!” was shouted, and about 20,000 students broke through police barricades at Gwanghwamun and headed toward the presidential palace of Rhee. They chanted “Down with dictatorship!” and directed their protests directly at Rhee, the dictator. When the march reached Hyogyo-dong, unarmed patriotic youths were ambushed by police and shot with live ammunition. They were forced to retreat from Gyeongwadae, setting fire to the anti-communist alliance and youth group hideouts, and occupying the Central Broadcasting Station. Prior to this, some students from Seoul University, Yonsei University, and Hongik University surrounded the residences of National Assembly Speaker Lee Ki-pung and Minister of Interior Choi In-kyu, and were also shot at by police.
At 3 p.m., Rhee’s government declared martial law in Seoul and appointed General Song Yao-chan, a Korean officer of Japanese military origin and Chief of Staff of the Army, as the martial law commander. Song Yao-chan immediately deployed tanks to suppress the protests. However, the reactionary military and police’s bayonets not only failed to intimidate the proud revolutionary youth of Seoul but also drew more workers, citizens, and even underage students into the struggle. The bloody suppression by the dictatorship turned the peaceful protests of students and citizens in Seoul into an armed uprising. They seized weapons, fire trucks, and even tanks from police and engaged in street battles, destroying 43 police stations in whole or in part.
Meanwhile, other cities responded. In Busan, led by Gyeongnam Industrial College, 20,000 citizens seized the East Busan Police Station and Busan Town Police Station amid gunfire; in Gwangju, protesters attacked and destroyed the Jeollanam-do Provincial Office and Gwangju Police Station. The Rhee government was panic-stricken and, at 5 p.m., declared martial law in Busan, Daegu, Gwangju, and Daejeon, prohibiting movement from 7 p.m. to 5 a.m. the next day. At 8:40 p.m., the 15th Infantry Division of the martial law troops entered Seoul, and many student leaders and citizens were arrested. On the 20th, the Ministry of Education ordered a temporary school holiday nationwide; simultaneously, the martial law headquarters issued Notices No. 1 and 2, banning free movement, gatherings, and school attendance, and imposing news censorship. The bloody suppression of the protests caused enormous sacrifices; according to the martial law headquarters, 111 people were killed and 558 injured nationwide; actual figures were 186 dead and 6,026 injured (including over 200 with lifelong disabilities), with 704 arrested. Thus, April 19 is called the “Bloody Sunday” in Korean history.
3. Fall of the Liberal Party Government
Within a week of implementing martial law, the entire country was soaked in blood. On the surface, it seemed that Rhee’s government had controlled the situation; protests in Seoul had ceased, and the families and friends of the victims were mourning. Students focused on fundraising to aid the wounded, and citizens rushed to hospitals to donate blood. On April 24, Seoul’s city transportation resumed normal operation, theaters reopened; on the morning of the 25th, government officials who had been staying at the State Council’s conference room since April 19 returned home, elementary schools reopened, and martial law was relaxed to a police guard. The capital also eased night travel restrictions, lifted news censorship, and the National Assembly passed a resolution to lift martial law. On April 26, Seoul officially announced the replacement of martial law with police guard. During this period, under U.S. pressure, Rhee’s regime staged several political dramas aimed at preserving strength. On the night of April 19, U.S. Ambassador McNaught visited Gyeongwadae, urging Rhee to quickly quell the “legitimate dissatisfaction” of protesters; the next day, Rhee issued a statement claiming to restore “law and order” and began to address public grievances. On the morning of April 21, the U.S. ambassador visited Gyeongwadae again, conveying a U.S. government memo on the “April 19” incident. Rhee then met with opposition figures Heo Jeong and Byeon Yong-tae to discuss strategies, and his cabinet and the Liberal Party held meetings, with Rhee and the party leaders resigning. On the 23rd, Lee Ki-pung resigned as vice-president after negotiations with Rhee; on the 24th, Rhee resigned as Liberal Party chairman and asked Heo Jeong or Byeon Yong-tae to form a new cabinet. When the latter refused, on the 25th, Rhee appointed Heo Jeong, Lee Ho, and Kwon Seung-ryeol as foreign, interior, and justice ministers, respectively. Rhee thought he could deceive the public and stabilize the situation, but the awakening people were already preparing for more decisive actions.
Inspired by the youth student revolutionary movement, teachers across universities secretly coordinated and prepared to rescue arrested students. On the afternoon of April 25, about 300 professors gathered at Seoul University’s faculty club, and under the chairmanship of Professor Jeong Seok-hae, they issued the “Declaration of the Times” signed by 258 professors from various universities, under the name of the “University Professors’ Group.” The “Declaration” stated that the student uprising was an important opportunity to overcome the political crisis, and as a countermeasure to the current emergency, it declared: (1) the demonstrations in Mashan, Seoul, and other places were expressions of genuine patriotism and resistance against corruption and injustice; (2) accusations that the protests were manipulated by communists or opposition parties were distortions; (3) police using bayonets and violence against peaceful, legal student protests had degenerated into private armed groups supporting the regime; (4) the president, legislators, and judges responsible for the nation’s tragedy and shame must resign to calm public and student anger; (5) the March 15 election was fraudulent and should be re-conducted openly; (6) those responsible for election fraud must be severely punished; (7) those who murdered students must be immediately arrested; (8) all arrested students must be unconditionally released; if some engaged in violence, it was due to abnormal circumstances after students were killed, not their original intent; (9) officials, military, and civilians involved in illegal enrichment or collusion with power must be exposed and dealt with; (10) police must guarantee campus freedom; (11) oppose politicization of campuses; (12) oppose false scholars and artists who flatter power and turn into political tools; (13) students should beware of communist agents north of the 38th parallel using their actions for propaganda, and also beware of those south of the 38th parallel who maliciously exploit anti-communist achievements for political purposes (This reveals the bourgeois anti-communist stance of these university professors); (14) recognize the seriousness of the situation, consider the future of the country, and quickly calm down, remaining rational and true to students’ duties. After the rally, professors from Seoul University, holding banners reading “Professors’ Group in Beijing” and “Repay Students’ Blood!” marched out of campus. When they reached the Peninsula Hospital, which was caring for wounded students of the “April 19” uprising, the injured students, bandaged on the second-floor balcony, shouted “Fight to the end!” together with the professors, encouraging each other. Subsequently, students and citizens joined the march in succession. Despite students’ efforts to keep the march peaceful and protect teachers’ safety, the procession reached over 10,000 people at Gyeongbokgung Palace. At 6:50 p.m., the professors’ march read the “Declaration of the Times” demanding Rhee’s resignation in front of the National Assembly, then shouted “Long live the Republic of Korea!” and sang patriotic songs, before dispersing. However, the crowd in front of the National Assembly was reluctant to leave immediately (Although this part is brief, it still shows the different attitudes of bourgeois professors and the masses). At this moment, suddenly, under the lead of two tanks, martial law troops rushed out from the shadows. When the crowd, retreating to the sidewalk, saw the tanks, they were filled with rage and surrounded the tanks; young students, hand in hand, approached the guns of the soldiers, shouting slogans. Seeing the situation, the soldiers turned the tanks and fled. Meanwhile, the vice president’s resignation letter, submitted by Jang Myeon on the 22nd, was accepted by the National Assembly.
The armed threat of the curfew troops caused the peace to dissipate, and the crowd of demonstrators in Seoul’s streets gathered again, with more and more people participating in the protests. The government deployed more tanks, and police used tear gas to disperse the crowd. Citizens and students sang “Comrade’s Song” and “March 1st Movement Song,” and fought back with bricks and stones, refusing to give in. Several tanks provided cover as police and military faced off with demonstrators in the city center. Around 8:40 p.m., about 1,500 students gathered on Sejong Road, linking arms and marching towards the residence of Lee Kyu-pung near West Gate. The demonstrators demanded Lee Kyu-pung come out and apologize to the nation, and they destroyed his guard post. At this point, although about 200 soldiers immediately surrounded Lee Kyu-pung’s house, the military did not intend to confront the crowd. However, when the crowd tried to break through the encirclement to enter Lee Kyu-pung’s residence, the guards’ machine guns suddenly opened fire. Meanwhile, protesters heading towards Gyeongwudae, due to the presence of a “shooting zone” reinforced with five tanks, could not approach their target. Nevertheless, other protest groups successfully attacked the reactionary forces of Syngman Rhee, attacking the homes of the organizers of the bloodshed on April 18, and the leader of the violent group in Seoul, Lim Soo-hwa, as well as the headquarters of the Liberal Party. The police station was destroyed, and the demonstrators dispersed only after 11:40 p.m., the night before the ban on nighttime travel. On the 26th, the Rhee government made a last-ditch effort, lifting the curfew at 5 a.m. and re-imposing martial law, banning all vehicle traffic, and setting up roadblocks at Namdaemun, City Hall, and the Central Hall. However, this could not stop the people’s resistance. In fact, from 5 a.m., demonstrators had already gathered in front of the National Assembly building. That day, all wage earners, workers, and students refused to go to work or school. Most of the workers gathered around the National Assembly and Sejong Road, while students mostly assembled at Gwanghwamun near the Central Hall. By around 9 a.m., about 30,000 people had gathered around Gwanghwamun, confronting the blockade lines of the martial law troops. At this time, a group of young demonstrators on trucks rushed to the Gwanghwamun intersection, approaching the martial law troops, and forcibly seized tanks from soldiers with their bare hands, advancing with about 5,000 people towards Gyeongwudae. However, the crowd was stopped by dense tear gas from the second barricade on Gwanghwamun, leading to another confrontation between the crowd and the martial law troops. Around 10 a.m., about 500,000 people had gathered on the road from Gwanghwamun to the Central Hall. At this moment, students from the school, including 100 children from Suseong Elementary School, who had been killed on April 19, held banners reading “Army uncles, can your guns be pointed at your own parents and brothers!” and prepared to continue marching. However, the brutal “army” openly opened fire on unarmed children (extremely brutal!!!). This led to large-scale violent resistance from the crowd, turning Gwanghwamun into a battlefield between the martial law troops and students. Meanwhile, Rhee was planning new countermeasures. Recognizing the seriousness of the situation after the events of the previous day, martial law commander Song Yaozan met with Rhee early on the 27th to discuss strategies. It was decided that to ease the pressure on demonstrators, Rhee would first meet with 14 representatives from various sectors, and then Rhee himself would meet with five of them. During the meeting, representatives of the “April 19 Youth Student Alliance” proposed four “solutions”: to rectify the government’s 12 years of misrule, to hold a presidential election again on August 15, to establish a neutral government conducive to the election of National Assembly members, and for Rhee to resign. Under these circumstances, Rhee issued a statement at 10 a.m., saying “if the people wish, I will resign as president.” Twenty minutes later, the martial law broadcast officially aired Rhee’s statement. The news of the dictator’s plan to step down excited the entire nation. Demonstrators on Taepyeong Road immediately held an emergency national assembly in front of the National Assembly, passing resolutions: (1) Rhee immediately resigns; (2) re-elect the president and vice president; (3) amend the constitution to include cabinet responsibility; (4) arrest and punish the masterminds of the March 15 corruption election; (5) resign all members of the National Assembly after constitutional amendments; (6) immediately recall ambassadors from the U.S. and Japan. Meanwhile, protesters resolutely countered the stubborn resistance of the despotic forces unwilling to accept defeat. At 11:15 a.m., when the crowd attempted to enter the Dongdaemun police station to demand the public exposure of “violent gang” members who attacked Korea University students during the “April 18” incident, they were met with frantic gunfire from police hiding on the second-floor stairs, resulting in over 20 casualties. Enraged, the crowd broke in and set fire to the police station. Prior to this, demonstrators also attacked and burned the homes of Lee Kyu-pung and Choi In-kyu, and toppled the bronze statue of Rhee located in Tadong Park. Originally, Rhee’s statement was a delaying tactic to buy time for counterattack, hoping the National Assembly would plead for him and that the U.S. would not abandon him at the last moment. However, under immense pressure from the people, the National Assembly began to rebel. That afternoon at 2 p.m., the assembly unanimously passed the “Resolution to Rectify the Situation,” demanding the president step down immediately, leaving Rhee completely isolated. U.S. ambassador McNaught also met with him again, urging him to resign. On the afternoon of the 27th, Rhee officially submitted his resignation to the National Assembly. The family of Lee Kyu-pung committed collective suicide at Gyeongwudae. On the 28th, Rhee, as a civilian, moved to Ewha Village from Gyeongwudae. Thus, the First Republic of contemporary Korean history was officially ended.