I previously wrote some reading notes, as well as notes taken while listening during book clubs. I remember they were quite abstract and I haven’t published them until now. I’m opening this post to summarize and share them (please note they might be a bit messy, since most of them were taken while listening to the book club, and there are many images).
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Outline of Marxist Philosophy Reading Notes (Quite Confusing)
Contradictions exist at all times and cannot disappear; as long as there are things, there are contradictions.
Principal contradiction refers to the dominant contradiction; contradiction is the unity of opposites. The other is the aspect of contradiction, which refers to one side within a unified whole that is fighting against the other. For example, the contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat is the principal contradiction in capitalist society; the bourgeoisie is the main aspect of this contradiction.
In more complex principal contradictions,
The principal contradiction is the most prominent and leading contradiction at a specific historical stage. However, the fundamental contradiction of capitalist society remains unchanged. The basic contradiction is related to the essence of the thing itself, always striving to act,贯穿 the entire process from use to destruction, and a thing has only one basic contradiction.
The basic contradiction does not exclude the principal contradiction; each has its own irreplaceable significance and role.
The principal contradiction is a decisive contradiction in the development of a thing at a certain stage and period, but it does not determine the fundamental nature of the thing. It is used to distinguish the development stages of the thing.
The principal contradiction is subordinate to the basic contradiction; only when the principal contradiction is resolved can the basic contradiction be resolved.
The two sides of contradiction must have one main and one non-main side; the main contradiction has a dominant nature and determines the nature of the thing.
If the leading and secondary sides of contradiction change, the nature of the thing changes; the new aspect of contradiction will inevitably occupy the main position and promote the progress of the thing.
The fundamental contradiction in capitalist society is the contradiction between socialized large-scale production and private ownership; this contradiction manifests in social relations as the principal contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie.
Identity of contradiction: 1. The two sides of contradiction are in a unity point under certain conditions.
2. The two sides of contradiction are mutually exclusive and opposed but also mutually dependent, the premise of each other’s existence; neither side can exist in isolation.
3. Under certain conditions, the two sides of contradiction can transform into each other.
4. Under certain conditions, the two sides of contradiction turn into their opposite, occupying the opposite position.
5. The existence of the unity is the internal basis for the mutual transformation of the two sides of contradiction.
6. The struggle between the two sides of contradiction results in mutual transformation under certain conditions.
7. Any phenomenon can transform into its opposite under certain conditions.
8. The specific connection between the two sides of contradiction ultimately must be broken (i.e., mutual transformation); all things will ultimately perish.
9. The emergence of new things and the demise of old things must occur through mutual transformation of contradictions — the embodiment of dialectical revolutionary spirit.
10. The transformation of contradiction sides must have certain practical conditions.
11. The coexistence and transformation of contradiction sides under certain conditions constitute the full meaning of contradiction identity.
12. The identity of contradiction is not the common point of the sides, not an inseparable connection, nor simply to find their common point, but a connection in essence.
Contradiction’s antagonism
Contradiction’s antagonism is the nature of mutual exclusion and opposition between the two sides of contradiction.
The forms of mutual exclusion are diverse; it can be external conflict or not.
Struggle is the motive force for resolving contradictions; only struggle can resolve contradictions.
Unity is the result of struggle; it must be achieved through struggle to reach a state of unity.
Lenin said that peaceful coexistence is the peace obtained through struggle among socialist countries.
Genuine seeking of common ground while reserving differences: focus on eliminating the principal contradiction, temporarily seeking common ground on some non-principal contradictions.
Summary:
Any contradiction necessarily possesses both struggle and unity, and the two are interdependent, unable to exist separately.
Struggle is absolute.
Relative stability is achieved through struggle, a dynamic balance.
Relative stability is temporary, conditional, a form of contradiction unity, inevitably broken by absolute unconditional struggle.
Question: The internal contradiction of new things arises with the destruction of old things. After the end of the Anti-Japanese War and Japan’s surrender, contradictions appeared within the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. Are the contradictions that emerge from differentiation progress or regression? That depends on specific circumstances.
Answer: Things are infinitely divisible.
Contradiction is the internal movement mode of things. When one contradiction disappears, another does not arise; how then do things develop? Matter is not limited.
For example, the bourgeois revolution overthrew the landlord class; the contradiction sides transform, and the matter changes from feudal society to capitalist society. The contradiction between bourgeoisie and proletariat arises again. Contradictions are infinite, just like the infinite development of matter. In the future, in communist society, there will be no class contradictions, but contradictions between men and women will still exist because of differences; difference is a contradiction. It is just that each specific contradiction is limited at a particular stage. Since there are multiple contradictions, when old contradictions disappear, new ones will emerge. Proletariat and bourgeoisie arise simultaneously; the reason why capitalist society has these contradictions is because the principal contradiction has shifted.
For example, at the end of feudal society, the bourgeoisie emerged as the embryonic form within the bourgeoisie and proletariat, such as wealthy citizens and the poor. They had not yet formed classes, and their contradictions had not yet intensified. At that time, the principal contradiction was still between the landlord class and the peasant class. When feudal society perished and capitalist society replaced it, the contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat became the principal contradiction.
The internal contradictions of new things do not suddenly appear out of thin air; contradictions and things emerge and perish simultaneously. Internal contradictions already exist within things but are not yet intensified or elevated to principal contradictions. The idea of “splitting” is also problematic; if it is “splitting” into contradiction sides, it means there was no contradiction initially, only unity, which later split. In fact, contradictions exist from the beginning but are not fully developed.
Contradictions always exist, even within the current principal contradiction side.
Whether the emerging new contradiction side is progress or regression depends on actual circumstances, but the overall trend of material development is undoubtedly continuous progress and advancement to higher stages.
Infinite development, infinite movement, infinite contradictions.
Things are composed of a series of contradictions; the main contradiction in social class relations is the contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, which dominates all other social relations, such as contradictions between the proletariat and petty bourgeoisie, and between the proletariat and peasants. It also determines internal class relations, such as the contradiction between progress and backwardness within the proletariat, influenced by contradictions between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. The internal relations of petty bourgeoisie are even more so; they will continue to differentiate.
2. Movement: The absoluteness of movement and the relativeness of staticity
Movement is the fundamental attribute and form of existence of matter, but even in absolute movement, there is a relative static aspect.
Movement is the unity of opposition between movement and staticity; staticity is the product of movement developing into its opposite. Lenin pointed out, “In (objective) dialectics, the difference between relative and absolute is also relative.” The difference between absolute movement and relative staticity is also relative; movement is absolute, staticity is relative — from an ontological perspective, all matter must be in motion, so staticity is just a special form of movement.
In Newtonian mechanics, force is the touchstone for testing whether there is movement — if there is “force,” there is movement; if not, there is no movement. The Sun’s mass is greater than Earth’s, so the Sun attracts the Earth, not vice versa.
Contradiction and unity of opposition, two aspects, both struggle and mutual unity.
Movement has one aspect of movement and another of relative staticity.
Only under certain conditions can static things be relatively static.
Staticity is the condition for the existence of movement because staticity is the condition for material existence.
Staticity is the measure of movement because it serves as the reference for movement.
Contradictions of opposition/non-opposition and struggle
Contradictions of opposition and non-opposition can transform into each other.
In class society, contradictions between classes with fundamentally opposed interests are antagonistic contradictions.
The sides of class society will continue to struggle and develop into revolution.
There are also antagonistic contradictions between socialist and capitalist countries internationally, between imperialism and colonized peoples, etc.
In nature, there are also antagonistic contradictions: bomb explosions, biological competition.
Non-antagonistic contradictions are contradictions within a class, such as contradictions among the people.
Enemy and friend contradictions and contradictions within the people must be distinguished and handled differently (non-antagonistic/antagonistic struggle).
Contradictions between the exploiting class and the working people within the people have both non-antagonistic and antagonistic aspects. Initially, they may not be antagonistic; as contradictions develop, they can turn into antagonistic. However, if comrades/people within the contradictions make timely corrections and accept socialist policies, they will not develop into antagonistic contradictions (e.g., contradictions between national bourgeoisie and the people).
To correctly resolve contradictions, it is necessary to correctly determine their nature, combine with actual conditions, and adopt appropriate struggle strategies.
Resolving contradictions between the exploiting class, reactionary class, and the oppressed class must involve antagonistic struggle, using revolutionary violence to smash counter-revolutionary violence.
Any form of struggle is aimed at resolving contradictions.
Transformation of contradiction’s nature
Contradictions within the people and enemy–friend contradictions, as well as antagonistic and non-antagonistic contradictions, can transform into each other under certain conditions.
For example, reactionaries can become revolutionaries, revolutionaries can turn into revisionists, and capitalist-roaders.
The transformation of contradictions must have certain conditions.
The infinity of space and time
The material world is infinite; therefore, space and time, as forms of material existence, are also infinite.
The infinity of space is the endless extension, with no starting point or end.
The infinity of time means time has no beginning or end; it can extend forever forward and backward.
Infinity comes from finiteness.
Infinity and finiteness are dialectically unified.
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A excerpt from the Guide to Ideological Struggle
Marxism is the universal truth, and we Communists rely on truth to sustain ourselves.
“The petty bourgeoisie must transform itself to become a useful class for the revolution. To become a revolutionary class, the petty bourgeoisie must free itself from moral corruption.”
“Either it is the bourgeoisie’s ideological system, or it is the socialist ideological system.” “There is nothing in between here.” - Lenin
Our struggle against bourgeois ideology is a struggle against selfish and self-interested behaviors and ideas in society, against selfish and self-interested behaviors and ideas within ourselves, which is a struggle between “public” and “private.”
“A Communist Party member should be frank, loyal, proactive, taking revolutionary interests as the first priority, subordinating personal interests to revolutionary interests; at all times and places, adhere to correct principles, tirelessly oppose all incorrect ideas and behaviors, to strengthen the party’s collective life, and to consolidate the ties between the party and the masses; care for the party and the masses more than personal interests, care for others more than oneself. Only then can one be considered a true Communist.” - Great Leader Chairman Mao
“Low-level tastes are numerous and varied, with different styles. Their common feature is that they do not start from ‘placing revolutionary interests as the first priority,’ or ‘caring for the party and the masses more than personal interests,’ or ‘caring for others more than oneself.’ Instead, they start from caring for oneself more than the party and the masses, or from pure egoism that benefits no one, and then view and handle various issues.” - Zhang Chunqiao
“Any neglect or detachment from the socialist ideological system means strengthening the bourgeois ideological system.” - Lenin
“In a class society, everyone lives within a certain class position, and all ideas bear the mark of class.”
“Capital fears losing profit or having too little profit, just as nature fears vacuum. Once a suitable profit is achieved, capital becomes bold. With 10% profit, it is guaranteed to be used everywhere; with 20%, it becomes active; with 50%, it takes risks; for 100% profit, it dares to trample all laws of mankind; with 300%, it dares to commit any crime, even risking hanging.”
“If they are revolutionary, it is because they are about to join the proletariat; thus, they are not defending their current interests but their future interests, abandoning their original stance and standing on the side of the proletariat.”
“If a person only works for himself, he may become a famous scholar, a great philosopher, or an outstanding poet, but he can never become a perfect and truly great person. History regards those who work for a common goal and become noble as the greatest figures; experience praises those who bring happiness to the majority as the happiest people… If we choose a profession that is most beneficial for humanity, then burdens will not crush us because they are sacrifices made for everyone; at that time, our happiness will not be limited and selfish, but will belong to millions of people. Our cause will quietly continue, and it will always exert influence. When our ashes are scattered, noble people will shed tears.”
“Capital comes into the world, dripping with blood and filth from head to toe, every pore.”
This is the credo of all bourgeoisie and most petty bourgeoisie in their social interactions — turning all interpersonal relationships into vulgar, despicable transactions.
“Lenin’s initial speeches at the Marxist group meeting in Petrograd left the audience with the impression: he was proficient in Marxism, held a firm belief in the victory of the proletarian revolution, and was skilled in using Marxism to guide the revolutionary practice in Russia. A group member recalled how they greeted Lenin with joy: ‘This is our leader, our guide, our theorist. Following him is the right choice — everyone thought so.’”
“Unconditional centralism and strict discipline of the proletariat are among the basic conditions for defeating the bourgeoisie.”
“Is it better to be loved or feared? Or is it better to be feared than loved?… If a person must choose between the two, being feared is much safer than being loved. For a monarch, it is not necessary to possess all the virtues mentioned earlier, but it is very necessary to appear to possess them.”
“Reactionary classes maintain their rule and pursue external expansion relying on two methods: one is priest-like deception, the other is executioner-like repression.”
“Social status determines that only by eliminating all oppression and exploitation can it ultimately liberate itself; in struggle, it will only lose a set of shackles, but gain the entire world; its fundamental interests are completely aligned with the objective trend of social development and with the interests of the broad masses of workers and peasants; to thoroughly transform the world, it must correctly understand the world: this determines that it not only does not need to hide any facts, but must also expose the objective truth thoroughly.”
“This revolutionary instability and superficiality, its flashy but insubstantial nature, are well known: it quickly turns into submission, despair, and fantasy, or even into ‘crazy’ obsession with various bourgeois ‘fashion’ trends — all of which are well known.”
During revolutionary fervor, petty bourgeoisie often shout many (seemingly) extreme revolutionary slogans, boast about various revolutionary theories and claims, but they do not persist in systematic theoretical study, nor do they deepen their understanding through practice. When their living conditions slightly improve or when the revolution enters a downturn, they begin to sell defeatism and promote various reactionary bourgeois idealist ideas. This wavering attitude towards Marxist revolutionary theory and bourgeois reactionary theories reflects the petty bourgeoisie’s unstable view of truth. Only by integrating the petty bourgeoisie into organized revolutionary activities, transforming them with scientific Marxist worldview and practical revolutionary life, can they play a role in the revolution.
If a person only fights for himself, he may gain temporary courage and victory, but he can never achieve complete victory or become a truly great person. However, struggles for others’ sacrifices, for the collective and revolutionary interests, can transcend personal narrow interests, giving people infinite courage and firm fighting will, leading to final victory.
In reality, bourgeois rule is built on money and power, maintained by lies, deception, and violent repression, ultimately unpopular and losing support. Once the broad masses of people mobilize, forming an unstoppable revolutionary tide, all their reliance will fail. At this moment, the bourgeoisie will panic, weaken, waver, and compromise.
“All reactionaries are paper tigers. They look formidable, but in fact, they have no real strength. From a long-term perspective, the truly powerful force does not belong to reactionaries but to the people.”
“This class always brags and speaks beautiful words, sometimes even insists on the most extreme positions verbally; but when faced with minor dangers, they are cowardly, cautious, and when the masses rise up, they are terrified and hesitant; when the situation develops to the point of armed struggle, they are ready to betray the entire movement.”
“The presence or absence of serious self-criticism is one of the most significant markers distinguishing us from other political parties. We have said that houses should be cleaned regularly; if not, dust accumulates; faces should be washed often; if not, they are covered with dust. Our thoughts, our party’s work, can also be contaminated with dust, and should be cleaned and washed. ‘Flowing water does not rot, and the door hinge does not get worm-eaten’ — this means that continuous movement resists microbial or other biological erosion. For us, regular self-examination, promoting democratic style in self-criticism, not fearing criticism and self-criticism, implementing ‘speak openly and thoroughly,’ ‘those who speak are innocent, those who listen are warned,’ ‘correct what is wrong, and strive to improve’ — these Chinese proverbs are the only effective way to resist various political dust and microbial erosion of our thoughts and the body of our party.”
“In fact, self-criticism is an indispensable and frequently used weapon in Bolshevism’s arsenal, inseparably linked with the nature and revolutionary spirit of Bolshevism.” - Stalin
The law of affirmation and negation in dialectical materialism tells us that the development of things always involves a process from affirmation to negation, and then from negation back to affirmation, manifesting as a wave-like forward movement.
Within things, there are two opposing factors: affirmative and negative. The affirmative factor determines the nature of the thing, sustains its existence, and is the positive side; the negative factor is opposite in nature, causing the demise of the thing, and is the negative side. When development reaches a stage of contradiction, it is inevitably caused by the negative factor representing the new thing defeating the original affirmative factor, leading to the death of the old form, and further negation develops into its opposite, entering a new affirmation stage. The negation in this process may be positive or negative, but overall, development must involve positive negation leading to a leap.
Corresponding to the three major fields of nature, society, and human thought, there are natural laws, social laws, and laws of thought. Natural laws and social laws are laws of the material world, and thought itself is a product of the long-term development of the material world and a reflection of objective existence. Therefore, the laws of thought are consistent with the laws of the material world.
“Intellectuals, due to their class intermediate position, often waver; facing the healthy progress from rural areas and factories, they only have one declining path. Or although they participate in the revolution, they always feel some aspects are not to their taste; and because they have knowledge, they tend to secretly indulge in some admiration for bourgeois culture or have ambiguous relations with it. Generally speaking, intellectuals always think that revolution is too intense, often deliberately ‘deceiving themselves,’ saying ‘I can’t do it, I can’t do it,’ and as a result, they do nothing or very little. …Doing nothing, yet desperately looking for reasons to justify themselves is the most boring behavior. Seriously and wholeheartedly thinking about these reasons is very dangerous; it wastes time unnecessarily, and is fundamentally wrong.”
The future is bright, the road is tortuous, and new things are invincible!
As Marxists, we must resist such spiritual opium that corrupts our thoughts and damages our thinking, and we must also persuade other comrades to stay away from these spiritual poisons! To be upright and honest, we cannot tolerate these harmful spiritual opiums! As previously mentioned, long-term reliance on spiritual opium leads to declining thinking ability, making it harder to discern right from wrong through reflection. Therefore, we must resist spiritual opium while establishing correct views of right and wrong, preventing ourselves from falling into the vicious cycle of “spiritual opium — intellectual decline.” Quitting spiritual opium is not an overnight task, as it involves various bourgeois cultures closely linked to petty bourgeoisie. However, whenever we are tempted by spiritual opium, we should consider the ideas’ rightness or wrongness, analyze their deviation from reality, and always be able to eliminate it. We should read more books and newspapers, learn and apply Marxism, participate in social practice — broaden our horizons, connect with the masses, and enrich our spiritual world, thus naturally freeing ourselves from the harm of spiritual opium. Low-level tastes serve personal purposes; spiritual opium satisfies personal enjoyment. We must look far ahead, have a revolutionary heart, observe the world, and be clear-headed proletarian revolutionary fighters!
“Defeating the large bourgeoisie is a thousand times easier than ‘defeating’ millions of petty owners; yet these petty owners, through their daily, trivial, invisible corrupt activities, produce the evil consequences needed for the bourgeoisie to restore power.” - Lenin
In the long process of ideological struggle and transformation, old habits inevitably surround us, infiltrate, and erode our worldview. The spontaneous forces of old habits “often cause the cowardice, dispersal, individualism, and the shift from fanaticism to despair among the petty bourgeoisie to recur within the proletariat.”
Matter determines consciousness; human understanding does not fall from the sky. To uphold the ongoing revolution in the realm of thought, we must do the following three things in practice: 1. Always hold firm confidence and unlimited loyalty to the proletarian revolutionary cause, with a sense of collectivism and self-sacrifice; 2. Maintain deep connections with the broad masses of workers and the entire social reality; 3. Persist in studying Marxist theory, using Marxist viewpoints, standpoints, and methods to analyze and handle issues, follow the path of combining theory with practice, and improve Marxist levels through personal experience.
Abandoning long-term plans for immediate interests is the act of revisionists, who "only seek to ‘live comfortably’ under capitalism, selling out the rights of the revolutionary leaders who oppose the bourgeoisie for a bowl of porridge."② “The socialist revolution marks the end of the exploiters’ class society that has lasted for thousands of years, signifies the liberation from all forms of oppression, and begins a new era of genuine brotherhood, peace, equality, eternal world peace, and the complete normalization of human society. The great content of the proletarian revolution lies here. It is the most important dividing line in human development.”
“Rational things are trustworthy precisely because they originate from sensory experience; otherwise, rational things become water without source, wood without root, merely subjective and unreliable.”
Once we go down this dogmatic route divorced from reality, other dangers of party formalism also emerge: “empty talk, meaningless words,” “pretentiousness to scare people,” “aimless language, not targeting the object,” “insipid language, like a bankrupt,” “confusing, causing harm everywhere,” “spreading poison, harming the country and the people.”
“The Communist Party does not rely on scaring people to eat; it relies on the truth of Marxism-Leninism, on seeking truth from facts, and on science.”
Any work we undertake must be based on solid investigation and understanding. To do political propaganda, we must first understand the political views of the target audience; to carry out ideological transformation, we must first understand their long-term living conditions and ideological outlook. The effectiveness of propaganda and transformation work must also be based on actual changes in the target. Relying solely on empty words to preach harms both the development of others’ thoughts and the authority of Marxism as a science. The result is harm to others and ourselves. “In short, any decision, directive, article, or speech by any organization must be based on the truth of Marxism-Leninism and be useful. Only then can we strive for revolutionary victory; everything else is useless.”
“Every thing’s movement is interconnected and influences each other with its surroundings.”
No matter what the thing is or how it develops, it cannot violate the universal law of connection. The various complex relationships among personal activities within a certain period are also the same; they cannot be viewed in isolation.
“In any region, there cannot be many central tasks; within a certain period, only one central task can be prioritized, supported by secondary and tertiary tasks.”
“Young workers, peasants, soldiers, and youth should learn through work, balancing work, study, entertainment, rest, and sleep. Both ends must be grasped tightly: learning and work must be accelerated, and rest and entertainment must also be managed efficiently.”
Marxists should adopt a Marxist style of entertainment, which should be beneficial to physical and mental health, positive, and activities that promote physical and mental development.
“For revolutionaries, revolution is life.”
Ultimately, the most powerful tool for us Marxists is the theoretical weapon of Marxism itself — “Marxism is all-powerful because it is correct.” We must remember: Marxism is the universal truth, and we Communists rely on truth to sustain ourselves.
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How did you also excerpt the “Prince”?
Oh wow, this
The Essence of Capital, Variable Capital, and Constant Capital
Capital is the value that can generate surplus value, and it is also the productive relationship between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie—means of production/commodities that only become capital when they contain surplus value.
The value of capital can only increase through the exploitation of workers’ surplus labor.
The belief that something is inherently capital and possesses inherent value appreciation is a mistaken fetishism of capital.
Notes on the Part of Political Economy Introduction
Bourgeois economists, in order to conceal the exploitative relationship, use the fetishism of capital, fixate on superficial phenomena in economic life, and define capital.
Bourgeois scholars: Regardless of conditions, all means of production, all labor accumulated for production needs, are considered capital—believing “capital is not a product of specific historical conditions, it appears together with the means of production, and the capitalists existed as soon as humans appeared,” aiming to conceal the exploitation of capitalism. They ignore that capital is a specific ideological productive relationship, namely capitalism, owned by the bourgeoisie, and they describe the movement of capital as a natural law, unchangeable, defending capitalism.
Anything is just an object; other concepts are determined under specific productive relationships, such as gold as currency.
Whether there is exploitation or not, only when the means of production become a tool for exploiting wage workers is it considered capital.
The bourgeoisie confuses two purposes of capital:
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To describe capital as an object, to consider means of production as natural capital, hiding the class struggle in capitalist society, and to portray capitalism as an eternal system.
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Variable capital (money): purchasing labor power, capable of creating value—proving that labor power creates value.
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Constant capital (factory machinery): does not create value; its value remains unchanged during the production process, and it is spent on means of production.
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Variable capital: capital spent on labor power, which can create more value through labor and the exploitation of surplus value.
The bourgeoisie does not acknowledge this because they deny that labor creates value, falsely claiming that capital itself creates value.
Machines cannot replace humans: machines are constant capital, cannot create value, and lack thinking ability. Computers lack practical experience but may have consciousness.
To determine the extent of worker exploitation, one should look at wages (variable capital) and the surplus value exploited by the bourgeoisie. (Variable capital creates surplus value).
The rate of surplus value equals m/v: surplus value / variable capital, also called the exploitation rate.
Workers use necessary labor to produce the value of labor power. The value of variable capital, surplus labor produces surplus value, and the surplus value rate is still the ratio of surplus labor to necessary labor, i.e., the time ratio.
How much money does the capitalist take for free? How much goods does the capitalist take for free? How long does the capitalist make workers work for free?
Concise World History Chapter 12, Section 3, Lecture Notes on Lenin’s Anti-Revisionist Struggle (Part 2)
Summary: The Second International, at various congresses, Lenin and chauvinists, revisionists’ struggles exposed the ugly face of revisionism. The Basel Manifesto called for social democrats to launch armed uprisings at the outbreak of imperialist war, but revisionists betrayed this, did not initiate uprisings, and instead supported chauvinism, leading to the bankruptcy of the Second International.
Stuttgart, Copenhagen Congresses discussed imperialism, colonialism, militarism. Lenin, as a minority, differentiated enemies, rallied centrists, and fought fiercely against revisionists, defeating them.
Stuttgart Congress: Lenin led the Bolsheviks to participate and fight revisionists. The social democratic right-wing opportunists manipulated the congress, implementing anti-democratic measures in organization. Several prominent German party figures were appointed to leadership roles in committees, with 50 votes in decision-making.
Major figures:
The German party allowed far-right opportunists to attend, obstructing left-wing social democrats (Rosa Luxemburg, anti-imperialist, anti-revisionist). The right and centrist factions held the majority, while the left was in the minority.
The central issue was opposition to militarism.
The French leftist Elvige (anarchist) advocated that the working class has no homeland, supporting strikes and uprisings against any war. The majority of the French Socialist Party proposed a chauvinist draft, claiming the proletariat must defend the bourgeoisie’s homeland (each side claiming to be on the defensive). Bebel argued that militarism is a product of capitalism and that capitalism must be thoroughly destroyed to eliminate war, but he still divided imperialist wars into defensive and offensive. Lenin insisted on Marxist principles, believing Elvige’s draft was anarchist, not understanding that war is an inevitable product of capitalism, and that the proletariat cannot refuse to participate in revolutionary wars. Instead of boycotts and uprisings, revolutionary wars should be driven by social contradictions caused by war.
Elvige’s theory is “super-class,”
Fomar and other major figures also opposed Elvige, but for reasons that:
- Advocated parliamentary struggle against war, promoting opportunism. Lenin said:
- Lenin criticized Bebel’s conciliatory errors, warning that opportunists might distort the draft (Fomar). Since Bebel’s draft represented the German delegation, Lenin amended it, clarifying the socialist route to oppose imperialist war—using the social contradictions caused by war to ignite revolutionary struggle.
Dutch revisionist Vanco II supported colonialism, claiming some nations are still “children,” needing “help” to revolutionize, spreading civilization, and establishing socialist colonies, opposing proletarian parties’ anti-colonial policies.
Lenin believed this socialist colonial policy was a defense of bourgeois barbaric colonial wars. However, most delegates lacked understanding of the relationship between proletarian revolution and national liberation movements and did not introduce the concept of self-determination.
Lenin also opposed the neutrality of trade unions.
The congress, following Marxist revolutionary spirit, addressed major issues but also showed that the Second International had been contaminated by revisionism.
Therefore, after the congress, Lenin continued the fight against revisionism, which has been fundamentally opposed to Marxism since its inception.
In 1908, Lenin published “Marxism and Revisionism.”
Copenhagen Congress:
The Eighth Congress of the Second International, attended by Lenin. At this time, workers’ cooperatives in capitalist countries had developed widely, raising questions about the path of proletarian liberation. Lenin supported the minority draft of the Belgian and French socialist parties, opposed the majority draft of the French Socialist Party, and made the following analysis:
Lenin’s draft was not adopted.
Based on the Belgian draft, Lenin’s committee added:
- Also discussed militarism and war issues:
Lenin condemned revisionist reactionary words and actions, and the basic correct resolution was passed, demonstrating Lenin’s victory in applying Marxist struggle strategies. It showed that the struggle between revolutionary and revisionist lines was intense, foreshadowing the inevitable split between Marxism and revisionism.
After Copenhagen, the imperialist world war was increasingly imminent.
If imperialist countries wage war, the proletariat must use the war to accelerate capitalism’s collapse.
After the congress, the struggle of the working class against imperialist war continued, with various resolutions calling for anti-war actions.
The Basel Manifesto’s declaration was a victory for Lenin’s revolutionary line; revisionists disguised as opponents of militarism, desperately undermined and distorted the resolution. They only sought votes and did not oppose militarism.
After 1910, the international workers’ movement entered a favorable period, with Trotsky’s reactionary rule beginning to weaken, the Mensheviks expelled from the party, and the Bolsheviks becoming an independent party.
National liberation is a part of the proletarian revolution because national liberation movements inevitably strike at imperialism and aid proletarian revolution. Therefore, the proletariat must support the national liberation movements of colonies and semi-colonies worldwide. The peoples of these countries must achieve true liberation through socialist revolution.
The national liberation movement fights imperialism, and the enemy of the proletariat is also imperialism.
Confusion: “Without colonies, imperialism will end. In the imperialist era, the main income source of imperialist countries is exploitation of colonies. Without colonies, imperialist countries will lose large markets, raw materials, workers, and capital exports, leading to collapse.”
Lenin’s revision of Bebel’s draft reflects the latest Marxist theory on the relationship between imperialist war and proletarian revolutionary war. The original Bebel draft emphasized seeking peace during imperialist war, which was a conciliatory mistake. Lenin’s theory clarified that:
- Imperialist war and proletarian war should be distinguished.
- Imperialist war is an unjust war for colonies, markets, and resources; it cannot bring peace.
- Relying solely on peace efforts during imperialist war is wrong.
- The proletariat should exploit the domestic contradictions caused by imperialist war to ignite revolutionary war. Only after establishing proletarian dictatorship can true peace be achieved. The purpose of proletarian revolutionary war is liberation and peace.
Lenin’s latest theory analyzes the essence of imperialist war, upholds internationalism, and resolutely fights against the revisionist support for arms races and “proletarian defense of the homeland,” defending Marxist revolutionary positions. It also points the way for the proletariat to oppose imperialist war with socialism, making it a key strategic line for revolutionary struggle.
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Notes on the Marx and Engels Fight Against Opportunism During the Anti-Rightist Law Period
Building the Second International
Seventies, Germany. Bismarck, Parliament, Anti-Rightist Law, 1878.10
The government could arrest and impose martial law at will
Internal bourgeois representatives and Bismarck colluded
Lasalle Düring
1876.23 types
1877.41 types
Using the assassination of the German Emperor as an excuse to carry out the White Terror
Nazi fascist state: openly laws against the Communist Party
Party leaders superstitiously believed in bourgeois parliamentary democracy, became complacent, lacked vigilance against the repression of the ruling class, had no ideological or organizational preparation, engaged in surrenderism, Lasalle and right-wing elements secretly disbanded the German Socialist Workers’ Party
Liebknecht, Bebel opposed violent revolution, obeyed the Anti-Rightist Law.
Grassroots party members lost contact with the central leadership, small bourgeois and bourgeois withdrew from the party—avoiding contamination by the bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie
Three prominent figures—Josef Hofmann, S. Lam, Bernstein—advocated surrenderism, anti-Communist publications, Zurich trio
Marx and Engels helped the party through difficult times—all errors of leaders were resolved by the broad masses of party members and people—people are the driving force of history
After the Paris Commune, German workers stood at the forefront of the revolution—exploitors—capitalism plus revisionism—technologically advanced in theory.
The Anti-Rightist Law meant that reactionaries were very vulnerable, the party had no legal status, thus engaged in legal and clandestine struggles. Secret residences, publications.
Three prominent figures: to eliminate the proletarian nature of the party, join the bourgeoisie, workers led by the bourgeoisie, avoid violence, reformism: the movement is everything, the ultimate goal is insignificant. Completely abandon class struggle and the proletariat’s historical mission, surrenderism. The liberation of the working class should be the workers’ own affair
Three prominent figures: bourgeoisie, “liberty and fraternity,” expel from the party
Marx and Engels adhered to principles.
Most, Hasselmann: right-wing opportunism, opportunism disguised as “left” wing opportunism
Bismarck hoped to incite internal conflict among workers to suppress them
Most organized the new party
Bebel and Liebknecht returned to the right track, the party’s organizational secret recovery, in Switzerland
1880, Switzerland Widen: the first party congress, the party would use all means to achieve its goals
Right-wing elements used the parliamentary party to promote reformism.
Bourgeois traitors used party documents as fee tools, engaging in treachery.
Opportunism falsely claims that the state is to protect the interests of all people
“Private Property State”—Engels
German landlord bourgeoisie promoted the “New Philosophy,” based on Kant’s philosophy, engaging in idealism and agnosticism, dog-eating dog with Hegel
Britain, Sweden, Norway promoted Hegelian idealism
Social reformism: society will reform itself
Right-wing elements within the German party promoted (vulgar) social evolutionism, opposed revolutionary dialectics
Engels clarified the fundamental difference between Marx and Hegel’s dialectics, and explained the basic principles of materialism.
Materialism: 1. Existence 2. Thought
Idealism: 2. Thought 1. Existence
Engels criticized Feuerbach’s humanism and idealism, and condemned the same species
Opposed anarchism, moderate reformists, and legalists
The Anti-Rightist Law strengthened the German proletariat
Growth is impossible without counterexamples
The proletariat’s belief in constitutional freedom to oppose the bourgeoisie was shattered by Bismarck.
To quickly rebuild the foundation of the Second International
Extensive underground activities, deep propaganda among the masses, strikes.
1889 Ruhr miners’ strike—against Bismarck’s Anti-Rightist Law
1890, the party received 1.43 million votes, 35 seats, abolished the Anti-Rightist Law, Bismarck resigned
William II changed tactics, bought off bourgeois right-wing elements, promoted revisionism
Engels resolutely opposed.
Engels wrote articles criticizing Liebknecht for fearing the government reimposing the Anti-Rightist Law and rewriting the party constitution, published the Critique of the Gotha Program, but was obstructed by Kautsky, Engels ultimately published.
Kautsky secretly hoarded Marx’s remaining works, published Marx’s writings in parts to collect royalties.
Proletarian dictatorship is the firm goal of the working class.
Erfurt Congress, draft drafted by Kautsky—right-wing opportunism, the program did not propose proletarian dictatorship, did not propose overthrowing the monarchy to establish a democratic system, which is opportunism.
LGBT does not speak of class, uses gender differences to cover class contradictions, denies class distinctions, uses gender in thought to define existence—idealism, claims their gender to satisfy personal purposes, uses gender for debauchery, for sexual promiscuity.
What is it, the theory of surplus value?
Volume I of Capital Draft
Volume IV of Capital, Kautsky regarded it as an independent work (History of Surplus Value) and published it in three parts. Later, it was compiled into the Marx-Engels Collected Works by the Soviet Union as the fourth volume of Capital. Furthermore, Kautsky also secretly hoarded a large number of Marx’s letters and manuscripts; this person is extremely shameless.
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Notes from the reading of Chairman Mao’s speech at the Yan’an Literary and Art Symposium
Mao Zedong’s “How to Use the Correct Political Line to Conduct Literary and Art/Propaganda Work”
The dual front of civil and military
Defeating the enemy first relies on the army, then on the cultural army
Mastering armed struggle requires a preparatory stage, and awakening the common people
During the preparatory stage, conducting public opinion propaganda work is currently the most important
The cultural army was formed after the May Fourth Movement
Reactionaries can only rely on quantity, not quality; revolutionary literary and artistic struggles and revolutionary wars are consistent in direction
Literary and art workers: stance issues, attitude issues, work objects, work problems, and learning issues
The stance of literature and art: stand on Marxism, the proletariat, and the Party
Attitude: changes with stance towards various matters
For example: towards certain people, enemies, oneself, allies
Enemies: resolutely criticize and condemn, point out inevitable failure, highlight brutality
Allies: unite and criticize, praise correct ones, criticize wrong ones, reactionary and counterrevolutionary, anti-people
Continuously educate and transform petty-bourgeois elements, make them obey the Communist Party, tend towards the proletariat: concessions; tend towards the bourgeoisie: oppose; break with them
On oneself/proletariat/peasants: long-term patient education, struggle against one’s own shortcomings, labor struggles of the people, praise the army and the Party, describe their self-transformation process and praise it
When dealing with those who make mistakes, unite but adhere to principles and criticize
Work objects: who the literary and art works are for. Cities/Kuomintang-controlled areas (slightly expanded scope): students, clerks, shop assistants; base areas: cadres, workers, peasants, soldiers; educate them
There is no super-class attitude in literature and art
Work: must understand the proletarian masses/target audience to carry out propaganda; to understand them, work must be done
First: understand the masses
Understand the language of the people; cannot oppose the people’s language; literary and artistic style should be mass-oriented, popular, vivid, accessible without being vulgar, suitable for propaganda to the masses
Massification: must integrate with workers, peasants, soldiers
Cannot look down on the proletariat, blame the workers, and then pretend to be Marxist teachers
Must be determined to become one with the masses
Be with the workers, emotional bonds change, from one class to another
Without this change, nothing can be done well; out of place
Small bourgeoisie and bourgeois intellectuals pursue their own private interests
Workers and peasants serve the collective selflessly
Cannot be influenced by bourgeois aesthetics; cannot judge people by appearance
In capitalist society, the more one flaunts oneself and dresses up, the more morally corrupt one becomes
Learning: literary and art workers must study Marxism-Leninism, study society
The materialist conception of history: social existence determines consciousness; ideas are shaped by class struggle and national struggle’s objective reality
“Super-class love” is used by the exploiting classes to deceive
Must start from reality, not abstract definitions; cannot use literary and artistic definitions to set the guidelines for the literary and art movement
Must analyze facts based on objective reality to find policies, strategies, and methods
Problems: issues concerning the masses and how to serve the masses
Problem 1: Who are the people in literature and art?
Serve the hundreds of millions of working people
In the guidelines for literature and art, must conform to the masses/practical struggles
Even if one has done literary and art work and experienced hardships, it does not necessarily solve this problem
Old Chinese society’s literature and art served the landlord class and the bourgeoisie
The so-called super-class is advocating bourgeois literature and art, reactionary proletarian literature and art
Literature and art are not for these, but for the people, led by the proletariat, for the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal culture of the masses
This is the excellent culture of the past
Literature and art: first for workers, second for peasants, third for soldiers and workers-peasants, fourth for urban petty-bourgeoisie
Insisting on individualism and petty-bourgeois stance cannot truly serve the workers and peasants
The left circles only care about petty-bourgeois intellectuals, never engage with the proletariat and workers, only talk about games, pornography, pleasure, superficially close to the proletariat, doing revolution, but actually only care about petty-bourgeois interests, defending themselves from labor and the masses
Every issue opposed by the petty-bourgeoisie is rooted in their interests; they ignore the class nature behind it
Cannot be detached from the people
The left circles have no real connection with the proletariat
Emotional transformation is incomplete: sometimes praise the proletariat, sometimes despise them
Cannot switch between proletarian aesthetics and bourgeois aesthetics
Must thoroughly sever ties with bourgeois aesthetics
The petty-bourgeoisie is not an independent class; everything they do belongs to the bourgeoisie
All propaganda activities must consider the reasons behind them; cannot do revolution just for personal gain
Establishing small groups is only for personal interests, covering up one’s mistakes
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