"We rely on Chen Yimei from Chenjiazhuang"—Rebel Chen Yimei from Qufu, Shandong, who was once as famous as Chen Yonggui

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Comrade Chen Yimei Portrait at the Criticize Lin Biao and Criticize Confucius Meeting

Editor’s note: The great leader Chairman Mao wrote in the preface to “The Socialist高潮 of Chinese Rural Areas” article “On an Agricultural Production Cooperative that Increased Output by 67% in Three Years” a passage: “This is a very well-run cooperative, from which many beneficial experiences can be learned. Qufu County is the hometown of Confucius, who ran schools here for many years, educating many talented students. This is very famous. But he paid little attention to the economic life of the people. When his student Fan Chi asked him how to engage in agriculture, he not only pushed him away and ignored him, but also cursed Fan Chi as a ‘petty person’ behind his back. Now, the people in his hometown have established socialist cooperatives. After more than two thousand years of poverty, after three years of cooperative operation, both economic and cultural life have begun to change their appearance. This proves that the current socialism is truly unprecedented. Compared to Confucius’s ‘classics,’ socialism is many times better. For those interested in visiting the Confucius Temple and Confucius Forest, I advise them to also take a look at this cooperative.”^[1] The cooperative mentioned here is the Chen Family Village Agricultural Production Cooperative in the Third District of Qufu County, Shandong Province, where Comrade Chen Yimei is located. Subsequently, Chairman Mao also said: “As long as it is beneficial, I am willing to borrow money from the devil. But the devil does not lend us money. We have to rely on Chen Yimei from Chen Family Village, and Chen Yonggui from Dazhai.” From then on, Comrade Chen Yimei became a model of agricultural labor alongside Chen Yonggui, and his Chen Family Village Brigade became an advanced model comparable to the Dazhai Brigade in Shanxi. However, compared to Chen Yonggui, who later became increasingly conservative and reactionary during the Cultural Revolution, ultimately degenerating into a new bourgeoisie figure and collaborating with Hua Guofeng to launch the Baishui Hall counterrevolutionary coup, usurping party and government power, Chen Yimei, at the critical moment when capitalism was seriously being restored in China, persisted in revolution, opposed restoration, dared to risk his life, and openly opposed Hua Guofeng’s counterrevolutionary crimes to restore capitalism, denouncing the Baishui Hall counterrevolutionary coup. He was eventually arrested by Hua and subjected to brutal persecution by the revisionist clique in prison. Unlike Chen Yonggui, who betrayed the revolution without integrity and colluded with the capitalist-roaders, and hypocritically mourned Mao Zedong and socialism after being sidelined and forced to resign by Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yimei is truly a worthy memorial—an impoverished peasant, Communist Party member, and proletarian revolutionary. Due to the reactionary propaganda of the revisionist traitor group, only traitors like Chen Yonggui are remembered, while the true revolutionary rebel Chen Yimei has long been unknown to most people. Today, we should turn this historical case back over, for Chen Yimei, for the millions of workers, peasants, and Communist Party members long concealed, distorted, slandered, and attacked by the revisionist traitor group, and give them the rightful historical evaluation and noble status. The articles included below introduce Comrade Chen Yimei’s life and revolutionary thoughts, especially how he persisted in revolution and opposed Hua Guofeng after the Baishui Hall counterrevolutionary coup. They will help people recognize the nobility of revolutionary rebels and the ugliness of surrendering factions like Chen Yonggui, thereby better distinguishing right from wrong, enemy from friend, and understanding what a true revolutionary is.

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1. Mao Zedong: “Preliminary Remarks on <The Socialist高潮 of Chinese Rural Areas>” ↩︎

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Capitalists' Clique Sentenced to Death for Class Revenge

  Chen Yimei (1917–1998), from Chenjiazhuang, Qufu County, Jining, Shandong Province, served as the secretary of the Party branch of the People’s Commune of Chenjiazhuang and was a labor model of New China during Mao Zedong’s era. In 1949, after the founding of New China, Chen Yimei took the lead in establishing an agricultural mutual aid team, organized farmers, then led the formation of primary and advanced agricultural cooperatives, and established a People’s Commune. Persisting on the socialist road, organizing mutual aid groups, and forming cooperatives, they achieved collectivization. Originally, 800 mu of barren river sand beach was transformed into 120 mu of grain fields, with 70,000 timber trees and over 20,000 fruit trees planted. The 720 mu of cultivated land had 21 deep wells drilled, all turned into stable and high-yield farmland. The brigade acquired various agricultural machinery such as trucks, tractors, electric motors, and diesel engines. Grain production surged, contributing more and more to the country. Since 1969, the average annual grain sold to the state was 180,000 jin, nearly 2,000 jin per household. Before liberation, the village had only three literate people; after liberation, the brigade established a ten-year school, and all school-age children enrolled. There were over 120 middle school students and three university students. In February 1952, he was awarded the title of National Model Worker and received the May Day Labor Medal. In 1953, he participated as a peasant representative in the Korea慰问团. He was elected as a delegate to the First, Second, and Fourth National People’s Congresses in 1954, 1955, and 1975 respectively. In February 1957, he was awarded the title of National Agricultural Labor Model. In 1959, he was invited to participate in the 10th anniversary celebration of the founding of the People’s Republic of China.

  After the capitalist roaders usurped power and implemented reform and opening-up, Chen Yimei was taken away for resignation review; in May 1977, he was transferred to quarantine review. In November 1977, the capitalist roaders of the Shandong Provincial Party Committee decided to hand over Zhang Yancheng, Han Jinhai, Guo Shulian, Chen Yimei, and others to supervision personnel for meetings to criticize and struggle. On October 17, 1978, he was expelled from the Party by the capitalist roaders. On March 14, 1979, the Jining Intermediate People’s Court sentenced Chen Yimei to death with a two-year reprieve. Chen Yimei and his family appealed, and after retrial by the Jining Intermediate People’s Court of the capitalist roaders, the sentence was reduced from “class revenge crime” to “revenge crime” due to the excessive penalty. On June 22, 1982, he was re-sentenced to 12 years in prison. He was released early on October 25, 1989. He passed away in 1998.

  Chen Yimei served as the Party branch secretary of the brigade of Chenjiazhuang People’s Commune, Qufu County, Shandong Province. In the hometown of Confucius, Qufu, during the old society before the liberation of New China, life for the bottom-level serfs was bitterer than bitter, and after handing over the yellow rice cultivated by landlords to the “Yama Hall,” poor common people could only eat chaff and vegetables year-round. The poor peasant Chen Qingmu’s family rented 1.5 mu of land, and besides the “Douwen” grain, “Didi” grain, and “Hezi” grain, they paid 400 jin of yellow rice in land rent annually. In 1939, near harvest time, a hailstorm destroyed all the crops, and not a grain was left, but the rent rice for the “Confucian Mansion” was still fully due. Chen Qingmu’s family was forced to have their grandfather and father commit suicide by hanging, and his mother had to lead the brothers to flee and beg for food, wandering to other places. At that time, in Chenjiazhuang, 25 of 58 households fled and begged for food; over 60 people worked as long-term or short-term laborers for landlords; five families sold their children; and 21 people died of starvation outside the village. The poor people hated Confucius’ “classics” as “harmful scriptures,” calling them “the book of harm,” a soft knife that kills without blood. There was a popular song: “Black ‘scriptures,’ like wolves and tigers, crooked and confusing, a soup that bewilders, the poor see it and their intestines break.” This is the blood and tears of the poor peasants’ denunciation of the “scriptures,” Chen Yimei recalled.

  Chen Yimei also said that whenever Confucius is mentioned, the poor peasants feel anger and hatred. His claim of “self-restraint and returning to礼” (ritual) was to restore slavery at that time. He and his followers falsely claimed “superior wisdom and inferior stupidity,” “those who work their minds govern others, those who work their strength are governed by others,” meaning that the oppression and exploitation of the working people are justified and righteous. Therefore, every dynasty’s reactionaries, about to perish, praised Confucius, using his reactionary ideas to deceive, oppress, and exploit the working people. Our Chenjiazhuang is a “Huangliang Village” of the “Confucian Mansion.” Our serfs are slaves who pay millet to the “Confucian Mansion.”

  In 1948, Qufu was liberated, and the Chinese People’s Liberation Army entered Chenjiazhuang. We, the slaves of the “Confucian Mansion,” with class hatred, criticized Confucius’ “scriptures.” We followed Chairman Mao’s guidance on the socialist road, organized mutual aid groups, formed cooperatives, and achieved collectivization. The originally barren 800 mu of river sand beach was transformed into 120 mu of grain fields, with 70,000 timber trees and over 20,000 fruit trees planted. The 720 mu of cultivated land had 21 deep wells drilled, all turned into stable and high-yield farmland. The brigade acquired various agricultural machinery such as trucks, tractors, electric motors, and diesel engines. Grain output soared, contributing more and more to the country. Since 1969, the average annual grain sold to the state was 180,000 jin, nearly 2,000 jin per household.

  The living standards of the members of the People’s Commune gradually improved. Before liberation, the village had only three literate people; now, the brigade established a ten-year school, and all school-age children enrolled. There were over 120 middle school students and three college students. The masses composed a song: “In the village, there are tall buildings and factories, Chairman Mao’s instructions shine brightly; on the fields, the iron oxen run, the electric motors busy, and the members sing happily; on the sand beach, green willows and peach and pear trees are full of branches.” Chenjiazhuang has changed, and this change was fought out—by the broad poor and lower-middle peasants criticizing Confucianism and revisionism, and insisting on the socialist road.

  Chen Yimei summarized that over the past twenty-plus years, we have advanced along the socialist road, every step filled with fierce struggles between praising Confucius and opposing him, between restoring and resisting restoration. The core of the struggle centered on the fundamental question of whether to uphold socialism or restore capitalism.

  In 1961, when we were vigorously promoting the general line, the Great Leap Forward, and the people’s communes, and socialist undertakings were achieving great victories in all aspects, Liu Shaoqi, Deng Xiaoping, and their accomplices, collaborating with imperialist, revisionist, and counterrevolutionary forces, launched a chorus attacking the general line, the Great Leap Forward, and the people’s communes as “excessive,” “early,” and “poorly done,” and desperately promoted “Three Selfs and One Guarantee” and other revisionist doctrines. They emulated Confucius’ “self-restraint and returning to礼,” attempting to restore capitalism. At that time, a black conference honoring Confucius was held in Qufu, recruiting over a hundred drum and music players (all landlords), singing and bowing, praising Confucius as a “great politician,” “thinker,” “educator,” and “one of the greatest figures in our ideological history,” using Confucianism and Mencianism to carry out counterrevolutionary activities. A small group of class enemies in Chenjiazhuang also appeared, promoting Confucianism and opposing the socialist revolution, saying “Yansheng Gong is imperially enfeoffed, even the emperor calls him teacher, still valid.” “Now the drum and music players are organized again, and they will follow the old saint’s rules in the future.”

  When we imposed dictatorship on a small number of reactionary landlords, they said, “One stroke cannot write two Chen characters; we should be kind and harmonious.” They slandered us as “unfilial and unkind.” When we drilled wells and transformed the sand beach, they said it damaged “Feng Shui” and violated “Heaven’s Mandate,” etc. They used Confucius’ teachings as standards, fabricated my ten major crimes, and seized the leadership of the brigade. Then they frantically sabotaged the collective economy, causing our village’s production to decline sharply, with grain output dropping from 500 jin to 300 jin. The rise of revisionism, i.e., the bourgeoisie coming to power, was so vicious!

  At this critical moment, the great leader Chairman Mao personally convened the Eighth Plenary Session of the Party’s Tenth Central Committee, formulated the Party’s basic line for the entire socialist stage, and issued the great call to us: “Never forget class struggle.” Chairman Mao’s instructions, like a shining lighthouse, illuminated our path forward. They made us realize that the current struggle is a class struggle between restoration and anti-restoration, a line battle between Marxism-Leninism and revisionism. We organized the broad poor and lower-middle peasants, took the Party’s basic line as the guide, sharply criticized Confucianism and revisionism, and launched a fierce attack on a small number of class enemies. The poor and lower-middle peasants angrily said: “Confucianism is the way of exploitation, oppression, and regression. The purpose of a small group of class enemies promoting Confucianism is to overthrow the proletarian dictatorship and restore capitalism.” After a fierce struggle, we regained the power. The peasants decided to restore and develop production as quickly as possible. “Unity of the people moves mountains.” In one year, we turned the situation around; grain output jumped from 300 jin in 1962 to 600 jin, and other forestry, animal husbandry, and sideline industries also developed significantly.

  During the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the poor and lower-middle peasants, workers, and Red Guards together exposed and criticized Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping’s counterrevolutionary revisionist line, sweeping away the old thoughts, old culture, old customs, and old habits left by Confucius’ “scriptures,” educating cadres, and training the masses. However, the Liu-Deng capitalist roaders, emulating Confucius’ “self-restraint and returning to礼,” wrote four banners: “All matters, only this is great, self-restraint and returning to礼,” eager to overthrow the proletarian dictatorship and restore capitalism. They desperately counterattacked the Cultural Revolution, attacking the new things emerging during the revolution, attempting to reverse history. For example, when young people responded to Mao’s call to go to the mountains and countryside to work with workers and peasants, Liu-Deng’s faction attacked, calling it “disguised forced labor.” When cadres followed the May 7th Road, Liu-Deng’s faction slandered it as “disguised unemployment.” These fallacies are just the reverse of Confucius’ reactionary ideas like “those who work their minds govern others, those who work their strength are governed by others.” Moreover, our peasant-run schools, implementing Mao’s May 7th directives, had students both study and labor. Some people falsely claimed this “disrupted the teaching order,” “looked unprofessional,” and “lowered the quality of education.” We, the poor and lower-middle peasants, were furious when we heard these words.

  This is a manifestation of the struggle between two classes and two lines. We must resolutely fight against Liu-Deng’s reactionary revisionist line and crush this backward trend. We carefully read Marxist-Leninist books and Mao’s writings, criticize Liu-Deng’s faction for sabotaging the Cultural Revolution, and oppose the Confucian and Mencian doctrines like “those who work their minds govern others, those who work their strength are governed by others,” and “learning to become an official.” We present facts, reason, praise the great victory of the Cultural Revolution, actively support new socialist phenomena, and strive to consolidate and develop the great achievements of the Cultural Revolution. When Liu-Deng’s faction attacked young people going to the mountains and countryside, we followed Mao’s teachings, worked hard to do a good job with these young people, cared for them politically, encouraged them to follow the road of working with workers and peasants; in the three great revolutionary movements, we gave full play to their roles, let them experience wind and rain, see the world, and undertake work within their capacity; in life, we cared for and educated them to work hard and live frugally. Over seventy young people assigned to our team to settle down and work, most of whom made great progress, with three joining the Party, eighteen joining the Youth League, and two participating in the leadership of the brigade revolutionary committee. The same applies to cadres participating in labor.

  The more Liu-Deng’s faction attacks this line, the more we must adhere to Mao’s May 7th road, actively participate in collective production labor, keep the mud on our bodies and calluses on our hands, and always maintain the proletarian character. In 1972, the fifteen main cadres of our brigade each worked an average of 315 days. We also conscientiously managed the peasant-run schools, implementing Mao’s “May 7th directives.” Students in the schools study both cultural sciences and participate in production labor, learn political theory, and engage in class struggle against the bourgeoisie and revisionism. Many students are active fighters on the front lines of class struggle; during busy farming seasons, they are the main force in agricultural production, capable of driving tractors and plowing. The facts prove that after our peasant-run schools were established, the schools changed their appearance. This is a powerful critique of Liu-Deng’s attempt to deny the proletarian Cultural Revolution and to kill the socialist new things. Under the wise leadership of our great leader Chairman Mao, a mass-based, in-depth class struggle has been fully launched. Our brigade’s poor and lower-middle peasants have become even clearer about the crimes of Lin Biao, who emulated Confucius’ “self-restraint and returning to礼” to attempt to restore capitalism. Liu-Deng’s faction is a true follower of Confucius. We must resolutely carry this criticism of the reactionary line of the Liu-Deng faction to the end! Uphold revolution, oppose restoration, keep moving forward, and oppose regression!

  As early as the end of 1955, Mao Zedong, in the “Great Leap Forward in Chinese Rural Areas,” added a postscript to the report from Chenjiazhuang Agricultural Production Cooperative: “This is a very well-run cooperative, and many beneficial experiences can be drawn from here. Qufu County is the hometown of Confucius… The current socialism is indeed unprecedented. Compared with Confucius’ scriptures, it is much better. For those interested in visiting the Confucian Temple and Confucian Forest, I advise them to also take a look at this cooperative.”

  In 1956, Mao Zedong, in a speech, evaluated Chen Yimei: “As long as it is beneficial, I am willing to borrow money from the devil. But the devil won’t lend us money. We have to rely on Chen Yimei from Chenjiazhuang and Chen Yonggui from Dazhai.” In 1964, Mao Zedong issued an instruction: “Chen Yimei from Chenjiazhuang in Qufu has been overthrown. The yield per mu dropped from 500 jin to 300 jin, but last year it rose again, and the yield per mu increased from 300 jin to 500 jin. This is achieved through self-reliance… Chen Yimei, who never attended elementary or university, can still manage things well.”

  In 1961, due to “seizure of leadership by class enemies,” Chen Yimei was no longer the Party branch secretary of Chenjiazhuang Brigade. In 1963, he returned to his position. Around August 1966, his position was once again revoked. Later, from November 1968 to May 1977, he served as Deputy Director of the Qufu County Revolutionary Committee. From December 1971 to October 1976, he was a member of the Qufu County Party Committee. From December 1968 to October 1976, he served as Deputy Secretary of the Chenzhuang People’s Commune Revolutionary Committee. From August 1971 to October 1976, he was Deputy Secretary of the Chenzhuang People’s Commune Committee. From September 1973 to October 1976, he was a member of the Jining Prefectural Party Committee. After Mao Zedong’s death, this “elementary school never attended, university also not attended, but still able to manage things well” Chen Yimei was taken away by the reactionary Deng Xiaoping’s special government, and was sentenced to death for “class revenge,” with a two-year reprieve.

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  Chen Yimei from Chenzhuang Brigade, Qufu County, is a farmer hero with a strong and resilient spirit. In the 1950s, he was recognized as a national model worker and received a warm reception from Chairman Mao. Chairman Mao highly praised Chen Yimei for his vigorous efforts in class struggle, leading the broad masses of members to develop collective economy and follow the socialist path, and inscribed: “To do agriculture, rely on Chen Yimei from Chenzhuang, Dazhai’s Chen Yonggui.” During the Cultural Revolution, Chen Yimei always listened to Chairman Mao’s words and acted according to Mao’s instructions, becoming an active defender of Mao’s revolutionary line. During the Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius campaign, Chen Yimei was invited by the Central Committee to participate in a symposium, where he had a cordial conversation with central leaders and was praised by them. Therefore, the healthy development of the Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius movement in the canal area is closely related to Chen Yimei. When he heard about the counter-revolutionary coup in Beijing, Chen Yimei was furious, cursing everyone he met and telling everyone he encountered. Well-meaning people advised him to be careful so that the authorities wouldn’t hear him. Chen Yimei, with righteous indignation, said: “To defend Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line, I am willing to sacrifice this old bone.” The counter-revolutionaries quickly ordered his arrest. In prison, Chen Yimei refused to submit even in death, sternly cursing those in power, and silencing his judges. The counter-revolutionary dictatorship, furious and ashamed, beat him with heavy shackles and handcuffs every day, refusing to treat his illnesses. Eventually, he was sentenced to death, but when no evidence could be produced, his sentence was commuted to life imprisonment. Over seventy years old, Chen Yimei, weakened by illness and tortured by cruel punishment, was left with only a skeleton. He finally fulfilled his lifelong wish, dedicating his life to the great Maoist revolutionary line and the magnificent cause of communism. After Chen Yimei’s death, the poor and lower-middle peasants of Chenzhuang were filled with grief, and the proletarian revolutionaries of the canal area paid solemn respect. Kind-hearted people throughout the canal area recounted his deeds. Chen Yimei will forever live in the hearts of the revolutionary people of the canal area.

Lei Yunhe, "The Canal's Awakening"

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Speech by Chen Yimei at the Shandong Province Workers, Peasants, and Soldiers Representatives' Report Meeting on Criticizing Lin Biao and Confucius

Chen Yimei
1974.2.27
(Transcript not reviewed by the author)
Morning of February 27, 1974

  前天下三点来到这里，我们是来贴大字报的。同志们开批林批孔会议很好，叫我给大家说几句话。

批林批孔是毛主席发动的，亲自领导的，前十几天到中央开了一次会，我一个是没有文化，也没有记录，这是二十五号会议以后，中央召开的科教组会议，科教组主要是大专院校，全国各地去参加的二、三百人。这个会议主要是传达了一、二、三、四号文件，二十五号会议有个记录稿，科教组传达的，参加会议的有迟群同志，领会了中央这个精神，开了接近八天，整个会议精神安排了十七个发言的。河南的一个知识青年“广阔天地”公社的他发言，第二个发言的是我们陈家庄，是我代表陈家庄贫下中农讲的。

在这个会议上，有周总理讲的几句话，我给同志们传达传达，批林批孔是毛主席亲自发动的，江青同志亲自抓点，所以这次会议一月二十五号召开了一万七千人的大会。这个会议除了毛主席、康老没去以外，在京的中央委员、政治局委员，都参加了这个会议，周总理主持，王洪文同志指挥唱了“三大纪律，八项注意”歌，谢静宜同志讲了话。周总理讲军委二十四号收到了江青同志的信，当天晚上召开了万人大会。周总理讲到了国务院落后了一天，现在赶上来了。江青同志，在大会上讲，在批林批孔斗争中，要有反潮流精神，反潮流是马列主义的一个原则，这是毛主席说的，已经写在我们党章上了，某些单位的领导，对批林批孔规定了些框框，这是限制批孔，是反对批孔，这是屁话。姚文元同志讲了几句话，我记得不多，林彪专门散布中庸之道合理，中庸之道是历史上一切反动派向无产阶级和劳动人民进行颠复、镇压、反攻倒算的一种最凶猛、最毒辣的思想武器。为了革命要反对折中主义，这次会议主要精神，听取了二十五号大会的记录稿。这次批林批孔，是群众性的政治运动，是复辟反复辟的斗争，这次运动是打击帝、修、反，打击国内地、富、反、坏、右向无产阶级进攻、颠复无产阶级专政。因为孔老二，他要复辟奴隶制，他要倒退，孔老二搞克己复礼，林彪搞克己复礼，合理是复辟资本主义，所以我们说，林彪叛党叛国，是卖国贼嘛！想杀毛主席，他是一个不看书，不看报，不看文件，地地道道的大军阀、大党阀，孔老二的信徒，我们认识到林彪是现代的孔老二。资产阶级的头子，历来是打孔老二的破旗，向无产阶级、劳动人民进攻。所以这次运动要把孔老二复辟奴隶制度、拉倒车、中庸之道、克己复礼批臭。批臭孔老二林彪就没爹了，批臭林彪，地、富、反、坏、右就没爹了，所以苏修也就没有那门了，就绝了。

这次运动要狠批林，狠批孔。因为林彪的极右实质就是要地、富、反、坏、右上台。批他的极右实质，要联系林彪的叛党、叛国，内奸，叛徒，拉死党，结宗派，破坏无产阶级大革命。所以这一次中央首长指出来，批林批孔不能批“空”，要联系实际，联系现实的阶级斗争，现实的路线斗争。比如我们山东省，要联系山东省的路线斗争、阶级斗争。所以这一次批林批孔工农兵是主力军。工农兵能批孔，大文盲能批封、资、修，能把封、资、修批臭。能把孔老二批臭。所以批林批孔不能批“空”，批“空”就是转移斗争大方向。所以批“空”就批不起来，要联系现实的路线斗争、阶级斗争，特别我们山东省路线斗争阶级斗争的盖子要揭开。所以我们这次来贴大字报。>   This time, the criticism of Lin Biao and Confucius must embody a spirit of anti-current, as anti-current is a principle of Marxism-Leninism. This time, we must break superstition, liberate thoughts, break through all resistance, and carry out the criticism of Lin Biao and Confucius to the end. Now the framework is gone; the so-called “seven prohibitions” previously set by our provincial authorities are all nonsense. These frameworks, these restrictions, limit the hands and feet of the masses, all nonsense. This time, we will break superstition, liberate thoughts, listen to Chairman Mao, stand on the side of the broad masses of workers, peasants, and soldiers, and stand with Chairman Mao. We need to criticize to achieve unity; the broad masses of workers, peasants, and soldiers across the province should unite. In the past, revisionists incited the masses to fight the masses, especially on the issue of the Cultural Revolution. Are you defending it? Are you negating it? Your view on the achievements of the Cultural Revolution is a matter of stance and also a matter of viewpoint. Was there brightness in the Cultural Revolution? Or was it all darkness? This is a focus of the criticism of Lin Biao and Confucius, which can also be called a struggle between Confucianism and Legalism. Now, our understanding is that the Shandong Provincial Committee respects Confucius and opposes the law. (Loud applause) Why do we raise this issue? In 1962, Shandong held a Confucius discussion meeting, and the filial sons and virtuous grandchildren of Shandong all went to Confucius’s mansion to kowtow to Confucius, but they did not criticize him. (Applause) In 1966, Qufu County held a large meeting to oppose Confucius, with 100,000 people attending. The provincial party committee officially declared that this opposition to Confucius was one of the three major counterrevolutionary events, falsely attributing the Qufu opposition event to the central government, claiming it was one of the three major events decided by the central government. These three major events are the burning of the British consulate, the冲击 (attack) on Zhongnanhai, and the opposition to Confucius in Qufu. These were set by those who respect Confucius and oppose the law in Shandong. Therefore, we realize that the current provincial committee respects Confucius and opposes the law, and we expose their true nature. This criticism of Lin Biao and Confucius must relate to the current class struggle and the line struggle; it cannot be superficial. The main force of the criticism is the workers, peasants, and soldiers. We must mobilize the masses, break through all resistance, and mobilize the broad masses of workers, peasants, and soldiers. They can criticize Confucius, criticize Lin Biao, criticize the feudal and capitalist restoration. Even illiterates can criticize Confucius and Lin Biao. So, the focus of this campaign is the criticism of Lin Biao and Confucius. The revisionist line is to take the back door, which is to oppose Marxism-Leninism. This was pointed out by the central leaders; it is revisionist. This backdoor approach distorts the selection of students from workers, peasants, and soldiers, distorts the central directives, and is also the罪状 (crime) of our Shandong Provincial Committee and the revisionist line. Therefore, this movement must target the superstructure and cannot target the masses. Unlike what Bai Rubing said, that the Seventh Congress had errors, the Eighth Congress had errors, Yuan Shengping had errors, Wang Xiaoyu had errors, and we went to Chenjiazhuang to criticize Lin Biao and Confucius, even publishing a newspaper to mourn. He wanted to divert this content toward mourning and influence the masses. These revisionists still want to manipulate the masses. We must resolutely not fall into this trap. Our workers, peasants, and soldiers have sharp eyes and can act according to Marxism and Mao Zedong Thought, always targeting revisionism and no longer targeting the masses. Because the masses are the main force in criticizing Lin Biao and Confucius, revisionism still wants to manipulate us. Bai Rubing said in Chenjiazhuang, that everyone makes mistakes, but he himself has no mistakes. We realize that he is a true expert in the doctrine of the Doctrine of the Mean. Why do we say Bai Rubing is a true expert in the Doctrine of the Mean? Because Shu Tong made mistakes but is considered a good person; Tan Qilong made mistakes but is considered a good person; Wang Xiaoyu made mistakes but is considered a good person; Ji Shengping made mistakes but is considered a good person. He has been in Shandong for more than 20 years and is a true old good person. Our poor and lower-middle peasants in Chenjiazhuang realize that the provincial committee has consulted him four times because Chenjiazhuang was a designated point by Chairman Mao. They hate him to the bone, as a thorn in the flesh, a splinter in the eye; they must remove him. We are反孔 (anti-Confucius) and反修正主义 (anti-revisionist). For 18 years, Chairman Mao’s directives have always been on the side of反孔 and反修正主义. So now we stand with the broad masses of workers, peasants, and soldiers across the province. We do not protect cadres; the central government has said that cadres must stand at the forefront of criticizing Confucius and Lin Biao, lead the criticism of Lin and Confucius. These are our good cadres. Suppressing the masses and shifting the movement’s focus is revisionism. This time, we are restoring and反复辟 (counter-rebelling). The nature of this movement is反辟, a struggle. It is a mass political struggle. It is also to defend the achievements of the Cultural Revolution and to defend socialist construction. Because the Cultural Revolution was initiated by Chairman Mao, this time we come to post big-character posters against Bai Rubing. Our focus is on the superstructure, the ideology, fighting revisionism. Why do we target the revisionism of the provincial committee and Bai Rubing’s Doctrine of the Mean? There are many facts. Shandong has always suppressed the masses, giving them unjustified charges. During the Four Cleanups, they labeled the broad masses and grassroots cadres with the "Four No-Confusions"帽子 (hats). Tan Qilong said that 67% of the brigades needed to seize power. His speech caused 270 cadres in Qufu County to die. This was Tan Qilong implementing Liu Shaoqi’s Taoyuan experience. Historically, Shandong has followed Lin Biao’s路线 (line) and Liu Shaoqi’s路线, always obedient to them and never to Chairman Mao. During the Cultural Revolution, they fabricated false charges against the masses, such as how many landlords and bad elements were excavated in Shandong? All were excavations of the broad masses. They implemented Lin Biao’s极右 (extreme right)实质 (essence), promoting landlords, rich peasants,反革命 (counterrevolutionaries), bad elements, and rightists step by step. Step by step promotion—what is this? We have many facts. In Chenjiazhuang Commune, a traitor was driven out; during the Four Cleanups, traitors and landlords took power. One traitor was driven out, but then a Kuomintang member was sent in. Why did a Kuomintang member, who was hidden for 22 years and was uncovered during the Cultural Revolution, come to be the leader of Chenjiazhuang Commune? He claimed that since 1966, production had not been managed, revolutionaries had not been arrested, production had declined significantly, capitalism was rampant, and the old mother’s mouth was drying up. What did he say? He echoed Lin Biao’s “571” project, claiming that the national economy was stagnating, that the people had little to eat and wear, exactly like Lin Biao’s words. He is a Kuomintang member, a cadre protected by the provincial committee. Look at what he did. Another example is Zhang Chengzhen from our area, who was a landlord. He slandered the central leaders and the history of the Cultural Revolution. He said: “The history of the Cultural Revolution has been reversed; we need to reverse it again.” This is the same as Lin Biao’s statement: “All should be politically liberated,” and landlords, rich peasants,反革命, bad elements, and rightists should all be liberated and come to power—that’s the meaning. In Qufu County, Li Zhixin’s family was rich farmers, now a Youth League secretary, and a provincial Youth League secretary. Zhang Chengzhen is a landlord. He has completely negated the achievements of the Cultural Revolution and slandered the central leaders. Our poor and lower-middle peasants have a saying: Qufu County is controlled by landlords and rich peasants. He said: “The central government is the real controller!” Such words are venomous. Now, the provincial committee has transferred him to Liaocheng as deputy secretary, protecting him again, slandering the central leaders, morally corrupt, reversing the case of the Cultural Revolution, sheltering evil spirits. The provincial committee considers such cadres good cadres, and these cadres must be protected. What line is this? It is the极右实质 (extreme right essence) of Lin Biao. Looking at his cadre line, in Qufu County, those who joined the cooperative in 1968, those who did not join the large collective, only joined in 1968, and only his family had a full-time cadre. Our province prefers individual farming cadres. This is not regression; what is it? It is not restoration; what is it? It is regression. Individual farming cadres cannot be cadres! So I think there is a problem with the organizational line; revisionism and landlords, rich peasants,反革命 (counterrevolutionaries), and rightists are all one family. That’s why he uses these people to manipulate the broad masses and the workers, peasants, and soldiers. This time, we are exposing his organizational line, sheltering bad people, and the极右实质 (extreme right essence) of Lin Biao is rampant in Shandong. On the other hand, it is the Doctrine of the Mean. Our understanding of this issue is that small people want to manipulate big people; you are saints, geniuses, and so on. You come alone; we are small people trying to manipulate big people. If you say we are small, Confucius called us small people; Lin Biao called us just knowing oil, salt, soy, and vinegar. The workers, peasants, and soldiers in Shandong are small people. We rise up against these big people. We understand that small people are capable of doing big things; big people do small things. Big people take the back door, thinking about their children and wives. Our Confucius, “Eat once, see twice; watch three times,” living that kind of life. They want to live that kind of life. Revisionism, as long as they arrange their wives and children, they think they have been revolutionary for a lifetime. We small people have fought Confucius for more than two thousand years; the land was opened by small people; trees were planted by small people; grain was harvested by small people; these old lords feed on us. These old lords still manipulate us. Revisionism, after eating their fill, specifically manipulates the masses, falsely accusing the masses. Our Chenjiazhuang has fought five times and rebounded three times in the past 20 years, involving the provincial committee. Why? Not for our Chenjiazhuang, but because they are targeting Chairman Mao. Because Chairman Mao made a speech in 1955 and another in 1964. Mao’s words are like a tree; they cut it down. Did they succeed? No! We have self-reliance and hard work. Our output in 1950 was 160 jin; in 1955, 455 jin; in 1962, it dropped to 300 jin; from over 500 jin to 300 jin; after the Eighth Plenum, we increased to 600 jin, all because of Chairman Mao’s speech! Now, our output is 1524 jin! (Loud applause and slogans) So, Chenjiazhuang is full of反修正主义 (anti-revisionism), full of孔老二 (Confucius). Mao said Confucius has been stupid for over 2000 years and remains poor. We established cooperatives for three years, and people’s lives fundamentally changed. This proves that modern socialism is unprecedented; socialism is many times better than Confucius’s classics. So now, we坚持社会主义 (adhere to socialism), oppose regression,坚持唯物论 (adhere to materialism), oppose Confucius’s先验论 (prerequisite theory). We insist on being content to be “small people,” not “saints,” not “geniuses.” Therefore, we oppose restoration; we反复辟 (counter-rebel). Every late stage of a political movement has both反辟 and 复辟. Analyze our work since 1952: mutual aid cooperatives, then a反辟 in 1953, the socialist高潮 (高潮) in 1955, another反辟 after 1955, and the attack on class enemies. After 1958, we implemented Liu Shaoqi’s “Three Self and One Guarantee” and “Four Freedoms,” and the provincial committee vigorously promoted Liu Shaoqi’s policies. Mao’s Fourth Document was not implemented for a long time; the central government repeatedly spoke, but Shandong did not implement them. Mao’s policies in Shandong were not carried out; the wrong line was executed vigorously and happily. After 1955, in 1958 and 1959, Mao held the Eighth Plenum and Tenth Central Committee, defeating the attacks of evil spirits and revisionists. Mao launched the Four Cleanups movement, which was very good. It targeted the bourgeoisie within the Party. The Taoyuan experience in Shandong became a sacred treasure, widely promoted. After the 23rd policy correction, things went well. But the inside of the Party did not root out the capitalist-roaders. Mao then launched the Cultural Revolution. It was vigorous for several years and achieved great results, but revisionism erased all of it. The revolutionary committees in Shandong were basically dismantled! There are none left! Now, regarding the provincial committee, we realize that they fake-criticize Lin Biao and Confucius but are actually engaged in “organizational construction.” Don’t be fooled; they are now doing “organizational construction,” not criticizing Lin Biao and Confucius. Why did they recently hold a preparatory committee for a Poor People’s Association in Qufu, but refuse to include the Cultural Revolution’s Poor People’s Association? Are they organizing another Poor People’s Association? They still manipulate the masses to fight the masses. Our area has two Poor People’s Associations: one during the Cultural Revolution and another now. In just over a month, they may have promoted many minister-level officials, all becoming ministers, with several ministers in one department. Shandong has many officials. Chairman Mao called for streamlining agencies, but after the Cultural Revolution, they criticized and reduced agencies, and now they are expanding agencies again. Their tactic is to give officials to those who oppose them, to buy their loyalty. We will not fall for this. Mao’s officials serve the people; Mao’s officials lead the workers, peasants, and soldiers to criticize Lin and Confucius, stand with Mao, stand with the workers, peasants, and soldiers, and cannot stand with revisionism. The workers, peasants, and soldiers initiated the criticism of Lin and Confucius; if you stand with revisionism again, how can you serve the workers, peasants, and soldiers? We must keep our eyes open! Target revisionism, not the masses. Some revisionists may try to divert this movement to the masses. That’s why we come to post big-character posters. This movement must target the superstructure, the ideology, and fight revisionism. The restoration is done by revisionism because revisionism does not implement Mao’s line, ignores the masses, suppresses the masses, and counterattacks. This movement aims to mobilize the broad masses of workers, peasants, and soldiers. Can we mobilize them? Yes! Now, revisionism still tries every means to suppress this movement. In Chenjiazhuang, in less than ten days, the masses were mobilized! The masses listen best to Chairman Mao and can criticize Confucius best. Why are there more than seventy households in Qufu that mourn Confucius, including mourning households, wailing households, stripe households, brush households, pig-raising households, sheep-raising households, peach and apricot households? The people of Qufu and Shandong hate Confucius most. Confucius exploited the laboring people, exploited workers, and slandered us farmers. Why promote “benevolence and righteousness,” “benevolence,” “kindness,” and the Doctrine of the Mean? The Doctrine of the Mean is a harmful way, a killing way. Therefore, the Doctrine of the Mean and self-restraint and礼 (li, rites) are Confucius’s classics and idealist a priori theories. We must harshly criticize this. The Doctrine of the Mean and self-restraint are most harmful; they do not advocate struggle; they support both sides, walking both paths—socialist and capitalist. We must expose the provincial committee’s Doctrine of the Mean! Especially Bai Rubing’s Doctrine of the Mean! So, the poor and lower-middle peasants in Chenjiazhuang are here to post big-character posters. This time, they want to find Bai Rubing and hold a criticism meeting together. We have two tasks: jointly criticize. We sent him a telegram, but he did not go. On the 25th, Chenjiazhuang held a criticism meeting against Lin and Confucius, but he did not attend. Our telegram said: “If you do not come, we will find you.” We, small people, will go to you, this big person. The errors of Shandong Province are also clear. We have no doctrine of the mean, no self-restraint; we insist on fighting against the current, following Mao’s Marxist-Leninist philosophy, which is a dialectical struggle philosophy—fearless of death. Yesterday, on February 26, the provincial committee called me. I told them I am fifty-six years old; dying is not a big deal. We are fighting revisionism to the end. If you do not fight to the death, I will fight you to the death! (Applause) So, this time, fighting revisionism, listening to Chairman Mao, some comrades say I am an old comrade. Don’t talk about being an old comrade now; an old comrade looks at what road you take. I will not protect cadres now; I will not stand with you. Why? Because many cadres are in the坑 (pit) of revisionism. Looking up, Chairman Mao is above; the masses are below. Cadres are in the middle. One side is revisionism; look where you stand. If you stand with the masses, we welcome and support you. The first step is to mobilize the masses, to expose the dead Confucius, dead Lin Biao, to expose their反革命路线 (counterrevolutionary line) and revisionist路线 (line). Our Chenjiazhuang has an idea: in the second step, criticize the living to criticize the dead; focus on the living, not just the dead. The essence determines it. Throughout history, slandering the Cultural Revolution, doing bad things, nine路线斗争 (line struggles), ten路线斗争, all these people are alive; they are the living Confucius. Our movement in Chenjiazhuang will last one month, mobilize the masses. Stay in the province for three days, return to the region for three days, and basically, Qufu County has been ignited. Then go to Jining region for three days. We will mobilize the broad masses, unite the workers, peasants, and soldiers. The purpose of unity is to confront the enemy together. We must not fall for those people’s tricks again, inciting the masses to fight the masses. We must keep our eyes bright, listen to Chairman Mao’s words, listen to the Central Committee’s words, and not listen to revisionist words. Regarding this movement, we must carry out the criticism of Lin and Confucius thoroughly. If not thorough, we will not withdraw. With Mao’s support, we are not afraid of death, not afraid of beheading, nor of imprisonment. The poor and lower-middle peasants in Chenjiazhuang are here to oppose revisionism. This time, they brought 500 copies of a letter to all the poor and lower-middle peasants in the province, 500 big-character posters, and 1,500 small-character posters. First, expose Confucius and Lin Biao, reveal facts, expose the revisionist路线 (line) of Shandong Province. Based on this, the masses are united, cadres have changed, and some may not change. We will press them to change. We must help them; the workers, peasants, and soldiers help them change. Some bad elements cannot be changed; they must be exposed. Burning books and burying Confucian scholars! I think this movement still needs to expose some; not exposing some is impossible. Because they respect Confucius and oppose the law, attacking Qin Shi Huang. We have also published some issues about Chenjiazhuang, and many newspapers have reported on it. Why is the Shandong Provincial Committee respect Confucius and oppose the law? Comrade Yang Rongguo went to Chenjiazhuang to criticize Confucius, but the People’s Daily in Shandong did not publish it for over twenty days, proving that the People’s Daily also does not want to oppose Confucius. Yang Rongguo went to Chenjiazhuang to criticize Confucius; the provincial committee said Bai Rubing personally criticized Confucius. Comrade Yang Rongguo is a national firebrand; he came to us as the sixteenth province. Here, an agricultural learning Dazhai meeting was held. Bai Rubing did not invite them to listen to Yang Rongguo’s report because he was afraid that the model workers across the province would rebel. His schemes are indeed many, and his tricks are many. He closed the agricultural learning Dazhai meeting for a day, and Yang Rongguo’s report was not even heard. In Chenjiazhuang, we criticize Confucius and Lin Biao, but the People’s Daily in Shandong did not publish it for over twenty days. Who does this People’s Daily protect?! Comrade Yang Rongguo is a brave and veteran critic of Lin and Confucius, 77 years old, and has written many articles. Shandong Province looks down on him; in other provinces, they hold ten-thousand or hundred-thousand-person meetings. In Shandong, they held a small meeting in silence. He just loves Confucius! He cannot accept criticizing Confucius! Because criticizing Confucius would ruin his乌沙帽 (Usha hat)! He is afraid of losing his official cap. The more they refuse to criticize, the more we must break through all resistance, break all frameworks, dispel superstition, liberate thoughts. We are not afraid of death; what are we afraid of?! Not afraid of death, not afraid of anything! Revisionism, imperialism, and domestic reactionaries are not afraid. We act with a clear conscience, for Mao’s line, for socialism, which will never change for thousands of generations, and also to strike against imperialist, revisionist, and reactionary enemies, and to defend the line created by Mao’s Central Committee. Our province in Shandong, Mao called for cultivating hundreds of millions of successors. They took backdoors, distorted policies, and violated Mao’s instructions to cultivate successors. They took backdoors in our province. The cadres in our province come and go in sleeves; I am a member of the county committee. I proposed so many cadres, but I don’t even know who I proposed. They talk about one-man leadership, with a few standing in the standing committee as the main family. The standing committee members do not really lead; they are dictatorial, a few people in charge. Their cadres come and go in sleeves; I hold a third-level position. Chenjiazhuang Commune is headed by Secretary Fu. I was not told about proposing cadres; the county committee did not tell me; the region did not tell me. In Qufu County, we proposed 105 cadres in one year; 36 in one commune; six commune secretaries; some from Xicheng, Lingcheng, and communication personnel from Lingcheng were proposed as commune secretaries; then they looked for landlords; no one was left. This shows our organizational line. Today, I am here to talk about it. We must follow the spirit of the 《People’s Daily》 editorial, which is the spirit of the January 25th meeting, and the commentary by the 《Red Flag》 magazine’s commentator, also from January 25th. We must study Mao’s talk during his inspection tours, the letter to Comrade Jiang Qing, 《My Little Opinion》. Of course, we should study well and master the weapon of Marxism-Leninism. With Marxism and Mao Zedong Thought as our weapon, and guided by materialism and opposing idealist a priori theories, we will坚持社会主义 (adhere to socialism) and oppose regression. Therefore, according to this movement, we must deepen it and prevent it from drifting toward the masses. The problem of the masses is easy to solve; revisionism is solved, the line is clear, and the masses will educate and liberate themselves. The problem of the masses was solved during the Cultural Revolution! But revisionism was not solved. Such great achievements have led to two headquarters, bringing out Lin Biao, who wanted to kill Mao; Liu Shaoqi was also exposed. Some slander him as a big mess. We have this saying in our place. Since 1966, the problem of the “Three No-Calls” has been solved: people call, pigs call, and cattle call. You say these revisionists, these wild Kuomintang members, these landlords, can they lump us together with pigs? Pigs do not distinguish; pigs call, cattle call, and people call. They say since 1966, the “Three No-Calls” problem has been solved. Now, we need to solve the problem of three calls, and make them call three times. Because the Cultural Revolution’s “Three Calls” caused slander against the masses. According to revisionism, we small people should be scolded. Chairman Mao’s workers, peasants, and soldiers are the main force; small people must fight big people. So today I am asked to explain Mao’s Documents No. 1, 2, 3, and 4, and implement them well. The masses must first raise their class consciousness, develop hatred for class enemies, and have class viewpoints. Then, with Marxism-Leninism and class analysis methods, they will compare more skillfully. Liu Shaoqi’s line, Lin Biao’s line, and Mao’s line—Mao’s line protects the masses, cares for the masses; revisionist lines manipulate the masses. Liu Shaoqi’s line manipulates the masses; Lin Biao’s line manipulates the masses; Confucius also manipulates the masses. So, we must compare carefully, recall village history and family history, and remember that Confucius oppressed the people for over two thousand years. Since liberation, our workers, peasants, and soldiers have stood up, become masters of the house. Mao called us the main force: what to do? Mao told us to be the main force, to dig out revisionism, to oppose restoration, so that we can always safeguard the socialist country, and the achievements of the Cultural Revolution can be carried forward and grow. >   Today, I am asked to give a speech to unite everyone, strive for greater victory, and thoroughly carry out the movement across the province! (Applause)

February 27, 1974
At Jinan Pearl Spring Hall

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Chen Yimei Talks with Jinan Workers at the Second Factory

Chen Yimei
1974.3.22
Location: Jinan City Second Factory, talking with Jinan workers. Time: Morning of 74.3.22
(Record draft, for reference, not reviewed by the person himself)   This time coming to Jinan is to post big-character posters. After returning, I stayed in Jining for seven or eight days, and spent a few days in Qingdao. Coming to Jinan did not bring much help. Mainly to do two tasks, to see if it can achieve 1. Unity work. 2. The work of the cadres of the Provincial Committee. After listening to the opinions of the First Factory, today I will listen to the opinions of the comrades from the Second Factory.   This movement is a mass political movement led by Chairman Mao. How to connect with the actual situation in Shandong and uncover this lid. This is a struggle between restoration and anti-restoration. The People's Daily's three editorials all mention that this is a line struggle. From Confucius to Lin Biao, they promote "self-restoration of rites." Chairman Mao leads us to build socialism, but the class enemies, people’s hearts are not dead, they are always looking for agents to restore. Is there any in Shandong?   1. Through Yuan Shengping's thoughts, the organization of the party, "One Strike Three Anti," can all be seen as fomenting rebellion. Shandong's "One Strike Two Anti" did not anti-corruption; Shandong cadres are particularly corrupt. When anti-corruption, they targeted their cadres. The second anti is to foment rebellion. Another is to seize 5.16, to do "drawing lines with me." Most workers and cadres are implicated. Is it Kuomintang or Communist Party? They are arrested without charges because they have implemented the bourgeois dictatorship. They have inverted things. Using Mao's three principles, they are doing Marxism-Leninism, but they are practicing revisionism. Our goal is to unite and consolidate the proletarian dictatorship. In Qingdao, they expelled more than a hundred workers, peasants, soldiers, and students from school. In Jining, there are five cases of students being forced to death. In the arts and literature sector, "The Restless Seaside" is also a restoration. There are many facts from the organization, and many landowners and rich peasants have come to power in Shandong. In Dongjiao (referring to Liu Jiqun of Jinan Steel Plant), sentenced to twenty years, but not only released but also became a member of the factory party committee. Someone exchanged eight tons of steel for a tractor, and then for peanuts. Landowners and rich peasants in Shandong came to power, which is not a small matter; it is essentially Lin Biao's extreme right. Yuan Shengping came to power in these years, and so many people in Shandong died. Why does Bai Rubei say he is doing the moderate way? I think he is covering up, squeezing toothpaste. Now he has gone to Beijing. He has not transformed ideologically; they have copied a lot of materials from the 5.16 incident, and some have been duplicated in Jining, filling two jeeps with black materials.   2. Another manifestation is since the central government issued instructions to solve the Shandong problem. It is reflected in promoting personnel, using our people to fight our people, making it difficult for you to defend, XXX is hard to defend. Saying that mass movements should not be, this is not allowed, that is not allowed. The facts are not trivial. XXX I am not familiar, she said she was sent by the central government. I admit you are sent by the central government. Strange, where am I from? I am sent by the poor and lower-middle peasants, I come from the countryside. We are small figures making big figures. I am a small figure, you are a big figure. Whoever oppresses the masses, we will fight with them. Currently, using our people to fight our own people is Bai Rubei's shield. Inside our revolutionary team, some have petty bourgeois ideas, for the sake of promotion and wealth, not for Chairman Mao's revolutionary line.   3. In the past, production suppressed revolution; now, it is being relaxed. From factories to work teams, no one cares about the line and right or wrong. Does the report on learning from Dazhai have line and right or wrong? Now, production issues are all pushed onto us resisting the trend; we believe this is revisionism by them.   4. Inciting masses to fight against masses. Bai Rubei's four manifestations are very vicious. We see this problem and come to Jinan to solve it.   Our Qufu County Political Department is full of rebels. Qufu County has now arrested four people, the commune secretary, secretary, armed forces minister, and county armed forces minister. Burning books and persecuting Confucian scholars, some must be persecuted. We cannot see the enemy's sabotage from within; the revolutionary team must unite. During the Cultural Revolution, we were not afraid to go to Beijing to defend Chairman Mao's revolutionary line. After Jining rose, it split into three factions: Red Labor, Kill Faction, and East is Red. Under pressure, there were no problems; now that the situation has improved, problems have arisen. The revolutionaries, anti-trend, Red Labor, Kill Faction, are not conducive to revolution. After three days of meetings and discussions, a cadre in the anti-trend faction said others are picking peaches, which affected unity. Later, this cadre made a self-criticism. Now, comrades in the anti-trend faction are basically united. XXX still not enough.   Currently, Jinan has two Second Factories, both revolutionary, and they should unite. Today I am here to listen to everyone's opinions. Comrades should have a high stance, a broad-minded attitude, selflessness to be fearless. However, in the revolutionary team, petty bourgeois ideas often appear—there are you and me, I and you. Such thoughts are unacceptable. We cannot let bad people be arrogant. Now it is time for us to unite and deal with them.   Yesterday, the agency cadres held a small meeting. Cadres are not a solid block. In Jining's four grain bureaus, one veteran cadre previously did not admit mistakes, but after help from the masses, he changed. Now he has become a rebel grain bureau. At the provincial level, fourteen bureaus held a meeting, and when cadres unite, things get better. The newspaper (referring to the People's Daily) fought against Zhu Min; he has fallen. Zhu Min should be fought; he has always followed Tan Qilong, who is a capitalist roader. He is not willing; the rebels are doing. Without struggle, they will not become a revolutionary position. The revolutionaries should unite to solve problems. There are no fundamental conflicts of interest within the working class. The next part will have veteran workers, model workers, directors, and bureau chiefs to expose the cover-up of the Provincial Committee, and representatives from the First and Second Factories. Conservatives are also the masses; even if 95% unite, they must also unite with them.   （Representatives of Jinan workers from the Second Factory expressed hope that anti-trend fighters should unite quickly and unite.)   Comrade Chen Yimei: Everyone has expressed the wish for unity. The main force of criticizing Lin and Confucius, workers, peasants, soldiers, cadres stand on the front line. Anti-trend fighters are good seedlings; all should cultivate them well. In the past, Lin, Yuan, and the Provincial Committee did not cultivate good seedlings. Yuan Shengping kept good seedlings in prison. They are practicing bourgeois dictatorship; we are practicing proletarian dictatorship. Why is the office of the 5.16 incident set in the Public Security Bureau? Why are the people who arrested the 5.16 people promoted and reused? The lid must be uncovered.   We must eliminate interference from both sides and criticize petty bourgeois ideas within the revolutionary team, uniting together.   Yang Baohua and Han Jinhai are not enemies; they are the masses. Making mistakes does not make them capitalists. We cannot blame the masses; we allow them to revolutionize and correct. Hao Jianxiu from Qingdao is also a new cadre who made mistakes; now she goes among the masses to receive education. I told her to go among the masses; you cannot dig tunnels. Mistakes must be criticized, and people must be protected. For Bai Rubei, we also need to criticize him; once he changes, it will be good. We welcome him; he has uncovered the Provincial Committee's lid. Whose is it? Whoever it is, the Shandong problem will be solved. If he continues to cover up and walk the evil path, it is not necessarily that he will be overthrown; he may become counter-revolutionary.   Can capitalists who have changed and recognized their mistakes be considered correct and treat the rebels properly?   There should be no split within the revolutionary team; internal problems are sometimes clear. Our most painful thing is the split within the revolutionary team. If we unite, Chairman Mao will be at ease. Old cadres are aging; they need to cultivate successors. I am already 56.   To unite, we must criticize internal right opportunism. We plan to hold a regimental leader meeting (referring to the report meeting held at Zhenzhuquan) to evaluate the issues in Jinan. The cover-up of the provincial and municipal committees, First and Second Factories, and model workers must be exposed together; not exposing is not acceptable. Some officials have sealed themselves as shields, but this does not fundamentally destroy the extreme right; they will be overthrown later.

Jinan workers organize

[luanma]

Maov Zedong思想是指针，人民公社是靠山

山东曲阜县陈家庄公社陈家庄大队领导班子负责人 陈以梅

  一九五五年，我们伟大领袖毛主席对陈家庄农业生产合作社作了极为重要的批示。毛主席在批示中指出：“这是一个办得很好的合作社，可以从这里吸取许多有益的经验。”毛主席的批示，是对我们陈家庄贫下中农和革命干部的最大关怀、最大支持、最大鼓舞、最大鞭策。从此，我们更加坚定了走社会主义道路、跟着毛主席干一辈子革命的决心。

  一九五八年八月九日，伟大领袖毛主席发出了“还是办人民公社好”的伟大号召。毛主席说出了我们贫下中农心里话，表达了五亿农民的心愿，给我们指出了通向共产主义的道路。九月八日，陈家庄人民公社就宣告诞生了。十年来，人民公社的路子，俺越走越宽广，社会主义的方向越奔越光明。在毛主席革命路线的指引下，陈家庄人换思想地换装，发生了翻天覆地的巨大变化。

  人民公社化以后，我们遵照毛主席“自力更生”、“艰苦奋斗”的教导，依靠人民公社一大二公的优越性，向大自然宣战，彻底改造了多少年来没法改造的八百亩荒滩。我们在寸草不长的沙滩上栽了六万多棵柳树、杨树，栽了两千多棵苹果树、两千多棵枣树，还栽了许多梨树、杏树、葡萄。现在荒滩已经变为绿树成荫的地方，已经成了水果之乡。光苹果今年就能收十万斤左右。在这短短的时间里，我们还大搞农田水利建设，打了七眼大机井，添置了七部电动机、柴油机，使全大队的土地变成旱涝保丰收的水浇地，全部实现了水利化，并且实现了灌溉电气化、机械化。今年我们大队遇到几十年未有的特大干旱，但是，机井上的机器日夜轰隆隆地响，到处流水哗哗地淌，各种庄稼都浇了一遍又一遍。因为改变了自然面貌，农业生产年年发展。一九五二年粮食亩产量是二百六十九斤，一九五五年伟大领袖毛主席对俺们批示的时候，亩产量是四百五十斤，去年已达到九百一十斤。今年又是个农业大丰收，夏季五百八十六亩小麦，平均亩产达到四百二十六斤。小麦获得特大丰收后，我们仅有九十三户的陈家庄大队，贫下中农为了向毛主席敬献忠心，一次就交售了十四万斤粮食，等于全年征购任务的两倍以上。眼下秋季作物长势喜人，丰收在望。我们村里还扯上了高压线，大队里有广播大喇叭。耕地有拖拉机，磨面有磨面机，打场有脱粒机。社员百分之九十以上都住上了新瓦房。广大贫下中农热情唱道：“人民公社力量大，荒滩变绿洲，农田水利化，毛主席指示我们坚决办，幸福的生活万万年。”

  我们陈家庄大队在人民公社化道路上前进的十年，是和阶级敌人生死搏斗的十年，是在两个阶级、两条道路、两条路线的激烈的斗争中成长壮大起来的十年。毛主席教导我们说：“阶级敌人是一定要寻找机会表现他们自己的。他们对于亡国、共产是不甘心的。”中国赫鲁晓夫及其在山东、曲阜的代理人，大肆诬蔑人民公社，大刮“三自一包”、“四大自由”复辟资本主义的妖风，说什么人民公社“办早了”，“搞糟了”。他们在大造反革命舆论的同时，还一度扶植坏人篡夺了陈家庄大队的领导权。他们多方面保护地主、富农，打击排挤贫下中农。我们大队集体经济一度遭到严重破坏。就在这一关键时刻，一九六二年党中央召开了八届十中全会，伟大领袖毛主席英明地指出：“社会主义社会是一个相当长的历史阶段。在社会主义这个历史阶段中，还存在着阶级、阶级矛盾和阶级斗争，存在着社会主义同资本主义两条道路的斗争，存在着资本主义复辟的危险性。”毛主席的教导给我们陈家庄贫下中农和革命干部指明了前进的方向，在上级党的关怀和支持下，我们经过反复斗争，终于又把大队的领导权夺了回来。我们贫下中农在战无不胜的毛泽东思想指引下，依靠人民公社的优越性，鼓足了更大的干劲，把被敌人填死的机井扒开，修建起来，买了机器；把敌人破坏的砖瓦窑恢复起来，买了轧瓦机。敌人把树砍掉，我们又在荒滩栽上成排成排的果树，并且修整了土地。很快，人民公社集体经济又恢复发展起来了，阶级敌人可耻地失败了！

  但是，两条路线的斗争并未停止。一九六四年，中国赫鲁晓夫在山东的代理人又来搞“打击一大片，保护一小撮”的形“左”而实右的资产阶级反动路线。直到毛主席亲自主持制定的“二十三条”下达后，在我们贫下中农的坚决斗争下，他们的反革命阴谋才破了产。

  回想十年来，在阶级斗争的大风大浪里，是毛主席的无产阶级革命路线给我们指明了方向。在那乌云翻滚，黑风阵阵的日子里，是敬爱的毛主席他老人家给我们贫下中农指明了方向，撑了腰，壮了胆，使我们一次又一次地粉碎了中国赫鲁晓夫及其代理人的复辟阴谋。

  十年来我们陈家庄大队千变化，万变化，人的精神面貌是最大的变化。伟大的无产阶级文化大革命，使陈家庄大队活学活用毛泽东思想的群众运动又提高到一个新的水平。广大的贫下中农人人手不离毛主席的宝书，口不离毛主席的语录，办事不离毛泽东思想。田间地头到处是活学活用毛泽东思想的课堂，到处是斗私批修的战场，毛泽东思想从来没有象今天这样深入人心，广大贫下中农从来没有象今天这样意气风发，斗志昂扬。

  回想我们走过来的胜利道路，我们情不自禁地一遍又一遍地高呼：“毛主席万岁！毛主席万万岁！”用蓝天做纸，海水当墨，也写不尽毛主席对我们的恩情，写不尽陈家庄大队贫下中农对毛主席的无限热爱、无限信仰、无限崇拜、无限忠诚。在激烈尖锐的阶级斗争中，我们认识到一个真理：紧跟毛主席就是光明，就是幸福，就是胜利！毛主席的无产阶级革命路线是我们的命根子，人民公社是我们的铁靠山，我们陈家庄广大贫下中农跟毛主席干一辈子革命的决心是下定了，人民公社的康庄大道是走定了！

[luanma]

"The old party secretary doesn't have a fixed office" — Several stories of Comrade Chen Yimei, a national model of agricultural labor, participating in labor and connecting with the masses

  Comrade Chen Yimei, a national model of agricultural labor and secretary of the Party branch of Chenjiazhuang Brigade, Qufu County, Shandong, is now a member of the Jining Land Committee of the CPC, deputy director of the County Revolutionary Committee, and deputy secretary of the commune party committee. However, he has no airs of an official, still maintaining the simple rural person’s demeanor. He wears coarse cloth clothes, farm shoes, has calluses on his hands, and mud on his body. Throughout the year, he comes and goes in the wind and rain, fighting alongside the members in the construction of a new socialist countryside.

Last winter, Chenjiazhuang Brigade dug a large well on the beach. Digging sand and mud inside the well shaft was dirty, tiring, and dangerous. Not to mention older people, even young men felt a bit apprehensive about this work. But Chen Yimei, in his fifties, was always the first to go down the well and the last to come up. One day, he had a stomach illness, and the members advised him not to go down the well. The concern of the masses warmed Chen Yimei’s heart. He humorously told the crowd: “Only dead flies freeze, no bee dies from exhaustion. Labor strengthens muscles and bones.” Saying that, he rolled up his trousers and, as usual, went down the well first again. In the cold December, water was icy. He submerged his legs in water, swung his large shovel, and worked tirelessly. Suddenly, a shout came from the well: “The southeast corner has a crack!” Chen Yimei knew this was a sign of a collapse and quickly warned everyone to move away. He risked himself, crawled into the dangerous zone, and used stones and his body to support the collapse, removing the danger. The members were moved and said: “Yimei is truly tough, unbreakable, and undaunted.”

There was a Party member in Chenjiazhuang who, after two setbacks at work, became negative, “seeing heavy burdens not shouldered and not speaking up when problems arise.” Several comrades from the Party branch tried to talk to him but met with resistance. One night, after the branch meeting, Chen Yimei lay in bed tossing and turning, unable to sleep. He thought about how to help this comrade overcome his mental block. After careful consideration, he decided: to go with him to the river excavation site to work together, helping him to resolve his mental issues through labor.

The next day, at dawn, Chen Yimei got up as soon as the rooster crowed. He arranged the work for the team and headed to the river excavation site. He worked there for forty-eight days straight. During the day, he worked shoulder to shoulder with the Party member; at night, they often reminisced about hardships and shared sweet memories, talking earnestly. Chen Yimei’s selfless labor spirit and passionate class feelings greatly influenced that comrade. The comrade improved his awareness of class struggle and ideological line, consciously examined his mistakes. Since then, he worked actively, was spirited, and received praise from the masses.

Chen Yimei always tightly combines labor with work. The members praise: “The old Party secretary has no fixed office; Chenjiazhuang’s 700 mu of grain fields, 500 mu of orchards, and 400 mu of river beaches are all his workplaces.”

Chen Yimei always cares about the masses. He notices who’s house needs repairs, whose children should go to school, and keeps it in mind.

Recently, while raising rice seedlings on the slope, Chen Yimei saw that the poor farmer Chen Qingnan’s children were not in school and were working in the brigade all day. Curious, he inquired and learned that Chen Qingnan had asked his son to drop out due to labor shortages at home. He thought, it’s the care of the Party and Chairman Mao for the laboring people that children should attend school, demonstrating the superiority of the socialist system. Children dropping out midway is unacceptable. Chen Qingnan’s family was in difficulty, and the collective should help solve this. So, Chen Yimei visited Chen Qingnan’s home several times, explaining the benefits of schooling, and helped his wife with household chores. To increase the family’s income, Chen Yimei discussed with the team to assign him some odd jobs, helped plan a “raise pigs and manure” scheme, and personally bought two piglets for his family. With this plan, Chen Qingnan’s children could go to school without difficulty, and the family’s income increased. Chen Qingnan gratefully said: “Old Secretary’s thoughtfulness is really thorough!”

Chen Yimei’s heart is close to the masses, and the masses are willing to talk to him.

In 1968, someone, under the banner of promoting Chenjiazhuang, proposed spending 23,000 yuan to build an exhibition hall. There were disagreements among the brigade’s revolutionary committee members. Most opposed; some said: “Who wouldn’t want to slap a face with powder? Chenjiazhuang is a Red Flag unit approved by Chairman Mao, spending three or two ten-thousand yuan on an exhibition hall isn’t a big deal.” What did the masses think?

One day, while planting corn with members, he asked old peasant Chen Qingmu: “Is it okay to spend 23,000 yuan on building an exhibition hall?” Chen Qingmu said: “Twenty-three thousand yuan is over twenty million jin of grain! In our village, we spend every penny carefully. Spending over twenty thousand yuan on an exhibition hall isn’t propaganda for the Red Flag, it’s smearing our Red Flag. We absolutely can’t do it!” The old peasant’s words strengthened Chen Yimei’s resolve. He organized a large debate among all members, educating cadres who advocated building a large exhibition hall. The unity of the workers and peasants resisted the bourgeois extravagance and wastefulness.

For many years, Comrade Chen Yimei not only led by example but also regarded educating cadres to participate in collective labor as a fundamental task of caring for cadres and preventing revisionism. When young Party members were elected into the Party branch, Chen Yimei personally taught them labor skills, urging them to pass the labor “test.” He would remind those cadres who worked less. If some cadres, due to busy work, couldn’t find time to participate in labor, Chen Yimei would find ways to reduce their workload and free up time for labor. Under his influence, participation in labor among the cadres of Chenjiazhuang Brigade became widespread. Last year, twenty cadres in the brigade each worked an average of over 320 days. The poor and lower-middle peasants praised: “Our brigade’s cadres are just like the old Party secretary, with calluses on their hands and mud on their bodies.”

Our reporter
> Originally published in "People’s Daily" August 8, 1972, Page 1

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Severely Criticize Lin Biao for Promoting the Crime of "Self-Restraint and Restoring Rites" to Rehabilitate Capitalism

Party Branch Secretary of Chenjiazhuang Brigade, Qufu County, Shandong Province Chen Yimei

  In 1955, in the book "The Socialist高潮 of Chinese Rural Areas," the great leader Chairman Mao made an important instruction to our Chenjiazhuang Agricultural Production Cooperative, pointing out: "The current socialism is indeed unprecedented. Compared to Confucius's 'Classics,' socialism is undoubtedly many times better." For nineteen years, we have used Chairman Mao's luminous instructions as weapons, fiercely criticizing the reactionary ideas propagated by Confucius's "Classics," fiercely criticizing Liu Shaoqi and Lin Biao's counterrevolutionary revisionist line, linking with the reality of class struggle, firmly grasping class struggle and the struggle between two roads,坚持社会主义方向, with one heart following Chairman Mao to carry out revolution, transforming a poor and backward tenant village into a thriving socialist new countryside.

Criticize Confucius's "Classics" and坚持社会主义

  Confucius's hometown is Qufu. When we mention Confucius, the poor and lower-middle peasants are angry and hate him. His talk of "self-restraint and restoring rites" was to restore slavery at that time. He and his disciples falsely claimed "superior wisdom and foolishness," "those who labor with their minds govern others, those who labor with their strength are governed by others," meaning that the oppression and exploitation of the working people are reasonable and justified. Therefore, reactionaries on the verge of extinction have always praised Confucius, using his reactionary ideas to deceive, oppress, and exploit the working people. Our Chenjiazhuang is a "Huangliang Village" of the "Confucius Mansion" (specifically paying tribute of millet to the "Confucius Mansion"). In the old society, our days were truly bitter than bitter herbs; after paying the millet to this Yama's palace, poor people could only eat chaff and vegetables all year round. The Chenqingmu family, a poor peasant family, rented one and a half acres of land, and besides some "dou尖" grain, "land rent" grain, and "hezi" grain, they paid 400 jin of millet annually. In 1939, near harvest time, a hailstorm destroyed all the crops in the field, with no grains left, but the rent rice to the "Confucius Mansion" was not reduced at all. Chenqingmu's family was forced to have their grandfather and father commit suicide by hanging, and their mother had to lead her brothers to escape and beg for food, wandering to other places. At that time, in our Chenjiazhuang, 25 households out of 58 fled to beg for food, over sixty people worked as long-term or short-term labor for landlords year-round, five families sold their own children, and 21 people starved to death outside their hometown. The poor and suffering peasants hated Confucius's "Classics" so much that they called it "harmful scriptures," a soft knife that kills without blood. There was a popular song at that time: "Black 'Classics,' like wolves and tigers, crooked and confusing, a soup of confusion, the poor see it and their intestines break." This is the blood and tears of our poor peasants' denunciation of the "Classics."

  In 1948, Qufu was liberated, and the red sun illuminated Chenjiazhuang. Under the wise leadership of our great leader Chairman Mao, we, the slaves of the “Confucius Mansion,” with class hatred, criticized Confucius’s “Classics.” We followed Chairman Mao’s guidance on the socialist road, organized mutual aid groups, established cooperatives, and realized the collectivization of the people’s commune. Eight hundred acres of originally barren river sand beaches were transformed into 120 acres of grain fields, with seven thousand trees for timber and over twenty thousand fruit trees. Seven hundred twenty acres of cultivated land, with twenty-one well-drilled tube wells, all became stable and high-yield farmland. The brigade acquired various agricultural machinery such as trucks, tractors, electric motors, and diesel engines. Grain production soared, contributing more and more to the country. Since 1969, the average annual grain sales to the state reached 180,000 jin, nearly 2,000 jin per household. The living standards of the members gradually improved. Before liberation, the entire village had only three literate people; now, the brigade has established a ten-year school, all children of appropriate age are enrolled, with over 120 middle school students and three college students. The masses composed a song: “Look at the village, there are buildings and factories, Chairman’s instructions shine brightly; look at the fields, the iron oxen run, the motors busy, people sing and shout; look at the sand beach, green willows and peach and pear trees are full of branches.”

  Chenjiazhuang has changed, and this change is the result of struggle—struggle by the broad masses of poor and lower-middle peasants to criticize Confucian and Mencian doctrines, criticize revisionism, and坚持走社会主义道路.

Struggle against Reversal and Reversal of Reversal

  For more than twenty years, we have advanced along the socialist road, every step full of fierce struggles between supporting Confucianism and opposing Confucianism, between restoration and opposition to restoration. The focus of the struggle is on the fundamental issue of坚持社会主义还是复辟资本主义.

In 1961, just as we raised the three banners of the general line, the Great Leap Forward, and the people’s commune, and made continuous great victories in the socialist cause in all aspects, Liu Shaoqi, Lin Biao, and their accomplices, colluding with imperialists, reactionaries, and counterrevolutionaries, launched a chorus attacking the general line, the Great Leap Forward, and the people’s commune as “excessive,” “early,” and “badly done,” desperately promoting “Three Selfs and One Guarantee” and other revisionist doctrines. They imitated Confucius’s “self-restraint and restoring rites,” attempting to restore capitalism. At that time, a black gathering to worship Confucius was held in Qufu, recruiting over a hundred drum and music players (all landlords), singing, playing, bowing, and kowtowing, praising Confucius as a “great politician,” “thinker,” “educator,” and “one of the greatest figures in our ideological history,” using Confucian and Mencian doctrines to carry out counterrevolutionary activities. A small group of class enemies in Chenjiazhuang, smelling the smell of reaction, also appeared, advocating Confucian and Mencian doctrines, opposing the socialist revolution. They said, “The Duke of Yan is an imperial seal, the emperor calls him teacher, still a man.” “Now the drum and music players are organized again, and they will follow the old saint’s rules in the future.” We imposed dictatorship on this small group of class enemies. They said, “You can’t write two Chen characters, you must be kind and good, and harmony is precious.” They slandered us as “unfilial (inhumane).” When we drilled wells and transformed the sand beach, they said it damaged the “feng shui” and violated the “mandate of heaven,” etc. They used Confucius’s set of standards to fabricate ten major crimes against us, usurping the leadership of the brigade. Then they crazily sabotaged the collective economy, causing our village’s production to decline sharply, with grain output dropping from 500 jin to 300 jin. The rise of revisionism, that is, the rise of the bourgeoisie, is so insidious!

  At this critical moment, our great leader Chairman Mao personally presided over the 10th Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Party,制定了党在整个社会主义历史阶段的基本路线, and issued a伟大号召"Never forget class struggle." Chairman Mao’s instructions, like a shining lighthouse, illuminated our path forward, making us realize that the current struggle is a class struggle between restoring and opposing restoration, a struggle between Marxism-Leninism and revisionism. We organized broad poor and lower-middle peasants, with the party’s basic line as the guide, to fiercely criticize Confucian and Mencian doctrines, criticize counterrevolutionary revisionist lines, and launch a fierce attack on a small group of class enemies. The poor and lower-middle peasants angrily said, “Confucian and Mencian doctrines are the doctrines of exploitation, oppression, and regression. The purpose of a small group of class enemies promoting Confucian and Mencian doctrines is to overthrow the proletarian dictatorship and restore capitalism.” After a fierce struggle, we regained the authority. The poor and lower-middle peasants are determined to restore and develop production as quickly as possible. “When people’s hearts are united, Mount Tai can be moved.” In one year, we turned the situation around, with grain output jumping from 300 jin in 1962 to 600 jin, and other forestry, animal husbandry, and sideline industries also developed significantly.

Consolidate and Develop the Great Achievements of the Proletarian Cultural Revolution

  During the proletarian Cultural Revolution, our poor and lower-middle peasants, workers, and the Red Guards together exposed and criticized Liu Shaoqi's counterrevolutionary revisionist line, swept away the old思想, old文化, old风俗, and old习惯 left by Confucius's "Classics," educated cadres, and exercised the masses. However, Lin Biao and his accomplices imitated Confucius's "self-restraint and restoring rites," writing four banners: "All affairs are vast, only this is great, self-restraint and restoring rites," eager to overthrow the proletarian dictatorship and restore capitalism. They desperately counterattacked the proletarian Cultural Revolution, attacking the new things emerging during the revolution, attempting to reverse history. For example, when knowledgeable youth responded to Chairman Mao's call to go to the mountains and countryside to combine with workers and peasants, Lin Biao attacked, calling it " disguised re-education." When cadres followed the May 7th Road, Lin Biao slandered it as " disguised unemployment." These fallacies of Lin Biao are complete replicas of the reactionary思想 of Confucius and Mencius, "those who labor with their minds govern others, those who labor with their strength are governed by others." Moreover, our poor and lower-middle peasants' management schools, implementing Chairman Mao's May 7th instructions, students both studied and worked. Some people said this disrupted the teaching order, was "not proper," and lowered the quality of education. When we heard these words, we, the poor and lower-middle peasants, were furious.

  This is a manifestation of the struggle between two classes and two路线. We must resolutely fight against Lin Biao’s counterrevolutionary revisionist路线, and firmly crush this reactionary trend of reversing history. We carefully read Marxist-Leninist books and Chairman Mao’s writings, criticize Lin Biao and his accomplices for sabotaging the proletarian Cultural Revolution, criticize “those who labor with their minds govern others” and “those who study well become officials,” the doctrines of Confucius and Mencius. We present facts, reason, praise the great victory of the Cultural Revolution, actively support new socialist事物, and strive to consolidate and develop the great成果 of the proletarian Cultural Revolution. When Lin Biao attacked knowledge youth going to the mountains and countryside, we followed Chairman Mao’s teachings, making efforts to do a good job in the work of knowledge youth going to the mountains and countryside. We care about them politically, encourage them to follow the road of combining with workers and peasants; in the three革命运动, we pay attention to their作用, let them experience风雨, see the world, and undertake work within their capacity; in生活, we care for them, educate them to work hard and live frugally. Over seventy knowledge youth who settled in our队, exercised and grew in the vast天地, most of whom made great progress, with three joining the Party, eighteen joining the Youth League, and two participating in the leadership of the brigade revolutionary committee. The cadres’ participation in劳动 is the same. The more Lin Biao attacked this, the more we坚持走毛主席指引的五·七道路, actively participate in collective生产劳动, keep the泥巴 on our bodies and the calluses on our hands, and always保持劳动人民的本色. In 1972, the fifteen主要干部 of our brigade each worked an average of 315 days. We also carefully managed the poor and lower-middle peasants’ management schools, implementing Chairman Mao’s “May 7th instructions.” Students in the school both learn文化科学知识 and participate in生产劳动, learn政治理论 and participate in class struggle, criticize the bourgeoisie, criticize revisionism. Many students, on the front line of class struggle, are active fighters against class enemies; during busy farming seasons, they are the突击力量 of agricultural production, able to drive tractors and operate plows. The facts prove that after our poor and lower-middle peasants managed the school, the school changed its面貌. This is a powerful criticism of Lin Biao and his accomplices’ attempt to否定无产阶级文化大革命 and to kill socialist新事物.

  Currently, under the wise leadership of our great leader Chairman Mao, a mass political struggle of深入批林批孔 has been全面展开. Our brigade’s poor and lower-middle peasants have a clearer understanding of Lin Biao’s crime of imitating Confucius’s “self-restraint and restoring rites” and attempting to restore capitalism. Lin Biao is a true follower of Confucius. We must resolutely carry this批判 to the end!坚持革命, oppose复辟,坚持前进, oppose倒退!

Originally published in "People's Daily," February 16, 1974, Page 2

[luanma]

I saw the beach turn into fertile land

Zhu Xuefan

  Recently, I had the opportunity to go to Qufu County in Shandong, where I stayed for a few days. That is the hometown of Confucius. The Confucius family’s mansion and the sacred temple buildings occupy nearly half of the entire county town. successive emperors and officials erected many tall steles and tablets in the temples, full of praise and eulogy. The Confucius tomb—Konglin—occupies 29 qing (about 1.2 hectares) and 41 mu (about 2.7 hectares) outside the north gate of the county, forming a rare man-made large garden.   However, the local people of Confucius’s hometown did not become wealthy because their hometown produced the "Supreme Sage and Teacher" in the past. During the long years before liberation, except for a few bureaucratic landlords relying on exploitation, ordinary people, despite a lifetime of hard work, could only get a little meager living material. They farmed small plots of land scattered throughout the year or worked for landlords, often going hungry, poorly dressed, and unable to withstand natural disasters and calamities.   North of Qufu County, there is a saline-alkali river called the "Xiang River" or "Xian River" by the locals. Because during floods, the river’s swift current roars loudly; it often causes floods and disasters.   On the right bank of the saline-alkali river, there is a village—Chenjiazhuang. In front of the village, there is a small temple. The villagers told us that this temple was originally built at the northwest corner behind the village, but now it has moved to the southwest corner in front of the village. Has the temple moved? No. This is because the riverbank of the saline-alkali river often collapses, and large chunks of good land fall into the river. Farmers cannot stop the river from eroding, so they have to move away. One family moves, then another, and so on, year after year, the entire village has migrated from southwest of the small temple to the north of it. In the riverbed, countless fertile fields and estates have fallen into the water. Moreover, despite facing such a large river, the farmland often lacks water. In short, it is either flooding or drought, and the local people suffer greatly from it.   In 1948, Qufu was liberated. The Communist Party and the People’s Government led the farmers in land reform, and then organized them to follow the socialist path, gradually escaping poverty. In 1949, Chenjiazhuang established two mutual aid groups with 20 households each, and in the fall of 1952, they formed a primary cooperative. In January 1956, nine small cooperatives from Li Zhuang Township merged to form the Chenjiazhuang Advanced Cooperative. In just a few years, the production and living conditions of farmers changed fundamentally.   After the villagers began to organize, the Party taught them to study afforestation and prevent wind and flood disasters. However, farmers were skeptical about whether the trees could survive. Some said, "Planting trees in a sandpit where nothing grows is a loss of seedlings and labor." Through Party education and specific help, they began trial planting, and finally the seedlings survived. By 1950, 29,000 trees had been planted with a survival rate of over 95%. In 1952, the income from firewood and fodder alone was over 15,000 jin (about 7.5 tons). Large areas of sand began to green. From 1950 to 1955, over 90,000 trees of various kinds were planted, almost all surviving, including seven acres planted with various fruit trees. As the trees grew, firewood and fodder increased. Last year, they harvested over 200,000 jin of branches and fodder, earning more than 2,000 yuan at 100 jin per yuan. I went with the villagers to the forest and saw a large stretch of originally loose sand beach covered with a layer of cultivated soil. The soil quality had changed; in the forested areas, the soil was no longer loose dry sand. On the newly formed land at the edge of the forest, crops grew tall and lush. The villagers told me that last year, they planted 40 acres of wheat, yielding 9,200 jin, and 200 acres of peanuts yielded 9,000 jin.   The vivid facts inspired the enthusiasm of the members for afforestation. Every early spring, men, women, and children cheerfully plant trees all over the sand beach. I saw that from January to April this year, over 1,000 acres of young forests with 500,000 seedlings had already survived. There are female members planting "March Eighth Women’s Forest" by hand; young men cultivating "Youth Orchard." Director Chen Yimei told me they plan to turn all 2,000 acres of sandy wasteland into forests within two years. They will build a windbreak along the river with five rows of tall trees and four rows of shrubs, develop 500 acres of fruit orchards, planting apples, peaches, apricots, persimmons, jujubes, and silkworm mulberry trees. They aim to achieve: sand wasteland into forest, roads shaded within three years. They also have a lovely plan to build a grape arbor on every water well in the township’s irrigated fields. Now, 150 grape arbors have been built on 200 wells. Once the grapes grow, they can increase side-line income and provide shade for people and livestock during irrigation.   The trees planted over the years have gradually formed forests, bringing many benefits to the cooperative’s sideline production. For example, when the fruit trees bloom, they create natural conditions for beekeeping and honey collection. The cooperative now has nine hives of bees, expected to expand to 20 hives in the second half of the year, with each hive producing 60 jin of honey, which is a significant income. The planted mulberry trees can develop sericulture; the wild grasses and plants in the forest provide fodder for livestock. Last year, they raised 200 sheep, and the wool alone is expected to bring in over 500 yuan annually. The reproduction of mules, horses, pigs, and cattle has increased agricultural productivity and fertilization.   The results of afforestation in Chenjiazhuang not only increase sideline production but also fundamentally transform the natural environment and overcome disasters. Thanks to the growth of trees, the sandy beach has turned into fertile land, and threats like wind and sand, floods, bank collapses, and land subsidence have been basically eliminated. The riverbed is stabilized, and the villagers no longer move away because of the river. The root causes of disasters have become sources of creating a rich and beautiful life. Let’s look again at the agricultural income of Chenjiazhuang: before liberation, the average yield per mu was only sixty to seventy jin; in 1952, it reached 269 jin per mu; last year, it increased to 450 jin per mu. All farmers have seen their actual income increase over the years.   This fact of changing the environment and increasing yields powerfully proves that human strength can conquer nature. Of course, only the people can achieve this through the path of collectivization.   Qufu Chenjiazhuang is just a small corner of the motherland, but like other places, it shows the new face of rural areas today and depicts a bright future for the rural areas of New China.

Originally published in "People’s Daily" on August 20, 1956, page 3

[螺丝钉]

This mentions Lei Canal and the book written by this person, asking about the nature of this person

[luanma]

It’s unclear, but the material written by the author can be utilized. From the content of the book, the author generally does not seem to be a reactionary.

[赫伯提_布]

@luanma

Chen Yimei, who is in her seventies, has been tortured by illness and cruel punishment to the point where only a skeleton remains. She finally fulfilled her lifelong wish, dedicating her life to the great Mao Zedong’s revolutionary line and to the magnificent cause of communism. After Chen Yimei’s death, the poor and lower-middle peasants of Chenzhuang Brigade wept bitterly, the revolutionary factions of the canal area stood in solemn respect, and the kind-hearted people of the canal spread her story everywhere. Chen Yimei will forever live in the hearts of the revolutionary people of the canal area.

Seeing this passage reminded me of the scene in the movie “Counterattack,” where Jiang Tao angrily rebukes Han Ling. Han Ling threatens Jiang Tao, saying, “If you insist on your view, you’ll die alone in silence,” how terrifying that is. But Jiang Tao says, “To dedicate my life to the cause of communism, I feel the utmost honor and infinite happiness for this.”

[vvv]

@luanma

Change “阶级报复罪” to “报复罪”

Proletariat revenge against the bourgeoisie, right? The capitalists are too shameless.

[vvv]

@luanma

What they say is “Yanshenggong was bestowed by the emperor, and even the emperor calls him teacher, or it’s just the way it is.” “Now the drum and music players have organized again, and in the future, we must follow the rules of the old sages.”

Defying heaven, what landlord remnants

@luanma

“One stroke can’t write two Chen characters, be kind and good, harmony is precious.”

The Chen family is not one family

@luanma

Students study and work

College students should be equated with workers and peasants

@luanma

Live frugally and save

Success comes from thrift, failure from extravagance

@luanma

Our brigade’s fifteen main cadres, each worked an average of three hundred and fifteen days

Do not be parasitic bureaucrats

@luanma

Seeing that the child of poor peasant Chen Qingnan is not in school, working in the team all day, I feel quite puzzled.

Indeed, we cannot turn a blind eye to the difficulties of comrades