Through the “Custom ChatGPT” feature, I have written the basic consensus of revolutionary slogans and propaganda into it. This way, the new dialogue ChatGPT will respond with revolutionary phrases. When I organize political economy and philosophy materials myself, I replace examples from original books of the 1970s with current ones, such as updating economic data to reflect contemporary U.S. imperialism, or citing Deng Xiaoping in philosophy.
What do comrades think of this approach?
You can check out this post, everyone on the forum is already using ChatGPT, and the效果 is quite similar to what you mentioned.
Okay, I will go take a look
The basic consensus of the cloth station is still not to put that there.
What should be used
There is fundamentally no such thing as a one-size-fits-all prompt; you need to master Marxism yourself to identify issues in GPT’s responses and correct them one by one. Ultimately, GPT is just a text summarization tool; it has no thoughts, and its language all comes from the bourgeoisie. I have fought with GPT for a long time and never expected it to write anything meaningful; it’s useless. At best, it’s just a summarization tool.
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[quote=“Fenghuo Flame, post:9, topic:3, full:true”]
Regarding the five assertions about the building of the party, I have read them, and I will quote them below before sharing my views.
- Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is the scientific guide for the proletarian revolution and the realization of communism worldwide. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is an indivisible whole, the theoretical crystallization of over 100 years of international communist practice. Marxism, Leninism, and Mao Zedong Thought are three milestones in the development of revolutionary science for the proletariat; they form a unified scientific system that has universal guiding significance for the global proletarian revolutionary movement. Any attempt to split Marxism-Leninism-Maoism must be resolutely opposed. Wrong ideological trends such as “praising Mao and belittling Marx,” “praising Marx and belittling Mao,” or “creating one’s own system” within the “ultra-left” must be firmly fought against ideologically.
- The basic content of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism: dialectical materialism; historical materialism (core: class and class struggle); theory of surplus value; proletarian dictatorship theory; imperialism theory; new democratic revolution theory; people’s war theory; continuing revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat.
- The social nature of a certain country is that of a second-rate imperialist (monopoly capital has already taken dominance, although its strength is inferior to that of old imperialist countries, it has certain dependence on the US, Europe, and Japan, but at the same time it oppresses and plunders the Third World, competes with imperialist powers for international markets and spheres of influence, and maintains a relationship of both contest and collusion with foreign imperialist countries, with the contest aspect increasingly developing). Therefore, the main social contradiction is the class contradiction rather than the national contradiction, and the revolutionary nature faced is the proletarian socialist revolution. We must resolutely criticize bourgeois nationalism and the erroneous trends of “ultra-left” that latch onto nationalism, and uphold the stance and perspective of the class.
- Fully affirm the great significance of the proletarian Cultural Revolution and the great achievements of the proletarian revolutionary faction led by Chairman Mao, including comrades Zhang Chunqiao and Jiang Qing. The new socialist revolution and construction must continue along the path opened by the Cultural Revolution. Oppose detaching from the experience of the Cultural Revolution and fantasizing about a “perfect new society plan” behind closed doors.
- Socialism is the transitional stage from capitalism to communism. It is a relatively long historical stage during which class, class contradictions, and class struggle always exist; the struggle between socialism and capitalism always persists; the danger of capitalist restoration always exists; and the threat of imperialist subversion and invasion always looms. Within the socialist system (from the economic base to the superstructure), remnants of capitalism will inevitably remain for a long period, which will inevitably give rise to new bourgeoisie and political forces seeking to restore capitalism, most notably the bourgeoisie within the party (including bureaucratism and revisionist factions). Therefore, the proletariat must continue the revolution, fight class struggles with the new bourgeoisie, and lead a bottom-up mass revolutionary struggle under the correct leadership of the proletarian revolutionary party to gradually eliminate capitalist remnants and ultimately transition to communism.
The first point, of course, is unproblematic; Marxism, Leninism, and Mao Zedong Thought are indeed one body, essentially belonging to the broad sense of Marxism. Leninism is Marxism of the imperialist era, Maoism developed under semi-colonial and semi-feudal conditions, and it addresses the final transition from socialism to communism (the theory of continuing revolution).
The second point also seems acceptable. However, according to the most scientific classification, Marxism’s content includes three main parts—dialectical materialism, political economy, and scientific socialism. The “historical materialism” mentioned in the second point is actually part of dialectical materialism; the imperialism theory belongs to political economy (the political economy of the imperialist era); the surplus value theory is part of Marxist political economy (the era of free capitalism). Other aspects can also be categorized into these three fundamental parts.
The third point, claiming that China is a second-rate imperialist country, is correct; and stating that the main social contradiction in China is class contradiction is also correct. However, I do not believe China is a so-called second-rate imperialist; its strength has long surpassed all imperialist countries outside the US, and its industrial productivity has exceeded that of the US by more than a decade. China has risen to become an imperialist power capable of competing with the US, and it is also the leading country of an imperialist bloc (the China-Russia imperialist bloc). Therefore, it is not second-rate but a first-rate imperialist country. For details on China’s imperialist strength and its competition with the US, please refer to the article “The Road of China’s Future Revolution” published in the magazine Dawn.
The fourth point is entirely correct. Of course, how well it is implemented is another matter. Our association takes pride in inheriting the spiritual legacy of China’s socialist revolution. The proletarian Cultural Revolution is China’s second revolution and the greatest contribution in the history of international communist movement. We must affirm and inherit it.
The fifth point, in essence, quotes Chairman Mao’s assertions. However, frankly speaking, concepts like “bureaucratism” and “new bourgeoisie” are unscientific in my view. After Chairman Mao introduced the concept of “revisionists,” he stopped using the term “bureaucrats.” The “bureaucrats” during the socialist period are essentially the revisionists; the two cannot be listed separately. As for the latter, I believe the bourgeoisie has not changed much in essence; its nature remains the same.
This is my rebuttal to the so-called five consensus points. The so-called five consensus points are merely a collection pieced together by those in the “building the party” faction who pretend to understand but actually don’t. They either copy others’ ideas or cobble together something without any analysis based on the current social reality—completely armchair theorizing.
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