"Seize land, destroy large estates" — about the Brazilian Communist Party (P.C.B.), Landless Workers' Movement (LCP), and the armed struggle of Brazilian farmers to take land from landlords and resist police violence

Zhihu user lid’s research:
“History of the Brazilian Communist Party (Red Faction)”
Note: The Brazilian Communist Party (Red Faction) is the predecessor of the current Brazilian Communist Party (P.C.B.), and in recent years it is said that its influence has surpassed that of the revisionist Brazilian Communist Party (PCdoB), leading to its current name. It has published some important documents (the hyperlinks are Chinese translations), such as “On the Struggle Against Cancel Culture and International Solidarity under Maoism and People’s War: Critique of the 2018 May Day Declaration by the CPC (Mao)”, “Upholding the Red Banner of the Communist International and Its Seventh Congress — Evaluation of the Seventh Congress of the Comintern”, “New Democratic Revolution is the Main Force of the World Proletarian Revolution”, published in “Servir ao Povo” (original in foreign language).

RedSpark’s special reports with Chinese translations:
From Slave Fortress to Peasant League — 500 Years of Land Struggles in Brazil
Peasant League Laying Foundations for Building a New Regime in Rural Brazil
Brazilian Proletariat

For related news, you can follow the relevant sections of “The Red Herald” and Brazil’s “A Nova Democracia”. The former often republishes some Portuguese reports from the latter in English. Also, the Peasant League’s official website.

Women’s Role in the Fierce Struggle at Barro Branco

Below are some recent news articles (generally short reports):
Farmers of Barro Branco thwarted the police invasion attempt

Camp invasion, assassination attempts, and torture: latest attacks on farmers in Brazil

Successful plenary meeting of farmers and students supporting the occupation of Messias

New assaults on the farmers’ struggle and student land revolution solidarity face a fresh wave

Attacks against the Landless Workers Movement (MST) demonstrate the urgency of peasant self-defense


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The mass organization in Brazil, the “People’s Women’s Movement (MFP)”, published an article in February 2023 titled “Postmodernism and Feminism: Individualism and Bourgeois Relativism in the Service of Imperialism”. It was translated into English by the “Worker” website (published this January) and reposted. The screenshot shows some interesting content criticizing individualism, hedonism, porn culture and ideas, bourgeois feminism, etc., seemingly showing some understanding of ideological struggle. Here are some partial excerpts (machine translation only):
“Desire for individual pleasure, that is, pursuing immediate happiness at all costs without regard for moral, political, or social consequences, can be justified by the personalist motto ‘everyone has the right to be uninterested in others’.”
“One very obvious consequence of contemporary postmodern individualism is the emphasis on consumption aimed at personal and hedonistic pleasure, ultimately turning the body, especially the female body, into a profitable commodity, becoming an object of compulsive and oppressive attention, particularly for women and young people in general.”
“In this regard, women and young people are especially subjected to ideological, cultural, moral, emotional, and psychological attacks. They try to pretend to be ‘innovative’ through so-called ‘new generation choices’ and the so-called ‘sexual freedom’ that defies all standards, irresponsibility, and ‘love’ that violates ‘all morals’. But these are just the rehash of hypocritical and rotten mainstream bourgeois morals, perhaps a shameless version of individualism. In this morality, personal pleasure is central, with no healthy values; concern for others is seen as ‘moralism’ or ‘traditionalism’. Because under capitalism, all relationships are dispensable, or as postmodernists advocate, ‘fluid’.”
“We, the fighting and revolutionary women among the people, and the awakened men of our class, must oppose turning women’s bodies into sexual objects and commodities, as well as the fallacies of ‘postmodernism’ (re-edited from the ruins of ancient Greece). These fallacies defend superficial relationships between people, focusing only on obtaining personal pleasure without reflecting on the consequences of hedonistic behaviors on women, which are strongly encouraged by imperialism today. Male polygamy and female prostitution are direct consequences of early private property in class society. In our era, they are intensifying in new forms. We will not fight against them with phrases like ‘women’s free choice’ or similar under postmodern feminism, because in an exploitative society, true equality between men and women is impossible! These hedonistic behaviors are a worship of individualism intensified by postmodernism and imperialism. We, the masses, especially the proletariat, defend relationships that fight against all forms of individualism, whether selfishness encouraged by slogans like ‘consider yourself first’ or deep, loving relationships. Because these relationships must also help strengthen our class and make our class fight for the complete transformation of this old society of exploitation and oppression! Mutual commitment, unity, respect, and proletarian loyalty among the people are part of the revolutionary morality. Conversely, lack of commitment, indifference, and casual use of people (even if supposedly mutual!) undermine this, corrupt the masses ideologically, especially the youth eager for new things, genuine profound change, and the destruction of the old.”
"In the women’s movement, the influence is also developing in the same direction, with a ‘new’ postmodern welfare reformism mainly positioning itself within the realm of so-called ‘identity politics’, seeking ‘recognition of differences’ and ‘deconstruction’ of ‘male language’. This particularly affects the petty bourgeoisie and university environment among young people in our country. Therefore, postmodern feminism fosters social change illusions through ‘redefining’ symbols (terms, words), supposedly leading to women’s personal ‘empowerment’. An obvious example of this stance is the so-called ‘slut walk’, where insults towards women are given a name of the march, and women start calling themselves sluts in an attempt to change the social meaning of the word ‘slut’, under the guise of resisting male chauvinism—perhaps the most ‘revolutionary’ action that postmodern feminists might take!**

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《Worker》: Latest Developments in the Revolutionary Situation in Brazil

《Red Herald》: Peasants Seize Land from Usina São Fernando in South Mato Grosso — Siege and Eviction by Military Police

Women’s Role in the Fierce Battle of Barro Branco
F.W.
November 29, 2024
The Red Herald shared an article about the Women’s Popular Movement (Movimento Feminino Popular) of the Brazilian people, along with an unofficial translation.

On September 28, illegal squatters from the Barro Branco area of Jacaira, Pernambuco, faced an invasion by 50 armed thugs. These thugs, armed with three anti-excavator bulldozers, stormed farmers’ lands in an attempt to destroy their homes and the headquarters of the Barro Branco Association, continuing the land grab process initiated nine years ago by large landowners and land thieves, Gileherme Maranhão. Students and farmers from nearby areas united to bravely resist the criminals, forcing them to retreat. Faced with the farmers’ fierce resistance, the criminals were overwhelmed and fled in disgrace.

The victory of the farmers’ resistance movement owes much to the role played by women. They stand at the forefront of the organization against and in the farmers’ struggle, leading work committees, undertaking arduous tasks, and defeating large landowners. Every day, women farmers of Barro Branco defend their land and livelihoods, fully asserting their rights, which also highlights the crucial role of rural women in advancing land reform in our country.

Barro Branco Power Plant

In Jacaira, Pernambuco, the Frei Caneca Power Plant (Usina Frei Caneca), owned by the Jardim family, operated until the late 1990s, recreating the era of slavery. After bankruptcy, the Jardim family’s land oligarchs owed Pernambuco state, unions, and thousands of workers millions of reais—workers who lived under slavery conditions during the operation of the plant. This debt, amounting to millions, was never repaid, and families living in the area remain landowners of Barro Branco. In 2019, the Jardim family leased over 5,000 hectares to Agropecuária Mata Sul S/A, owned by the large landowner Gileherme Maranhão, on land already occupied by hundreds of squatters. To evict them and expand export-oriented livestock farming, Maranhão launched multiple attacks on farmers. The large landowner often sent thugs to threaten them, poured poison into water sources—supplying not only Barro Branco but the entire Jacaira area—contaminating water sources with cattle excrement, destroying squatters’ plantations, and repeatedly attempting illegal evictions, along with many cowardly acts against farmers.

In this context, over a decade ago, these squatters began organizing to ensure the permanence of their ancestral lands. Now, under the guidance of the Landless People’s Movement (LCP), they raise the banner of land revolution, demanding the conquest of all land and the end of the large estate system that occupies people’s land. Farmers employ various struggle tactics—organizing activities, distributing leaflets, holding mass meetings—to demand that authorities legally register their land rights and spread a spirit of fierce resistance among the people. Corrupt local police and estate paramilitary groups, attempting to criminalize the farmers’ revolutionary struggle, persecute them, imposing numerous restrictions.

Women farmers play a vital role in defending Barro Branco’s land.

The struggles of the residents of the squatters’ settlements in Barro Branco also belong to these landowning women. Organizing rural women is essential so they can undertake the tasks of the land and national revolution movements. Since the Landless People’s Movement arrived at Engenho, the MFP immediately took on this responsibility, holding numerous important meetings with women from the squatters’ settlements and dedicating itself to organizing tasks to further develop these women farmers.


Women farmers are often present in the area all day, forming a favorable situation. Historically, they have always been at the frontlines confronting thugs and local police, resolutely defending Barro Branco’s land. Because of this, the daughters of these lands have clearly embodied the anger of the women’s revolution and have always been engaged in fierce struggles against large landowners.

Clara, born and raised on these lands, reports frequent attacks—her house was arbitrarily entered by police under the orders of the large landowner, who harassed her and broke some of her belongings. During these conflicts, this woman farmer bravely defended her home, family, and dignity. Clara’s courage and resilience are reflected in all her sister fighters, as one comrade said at an MFP meeting: “None of us should give up the struggle; we are like a chain, giving strength to each other.”

[Video 1: Clara denounces the persecution of farmers, forcing the large landowner’s henchmen to retreat.]

This is evident in the active participation of women comrades in all areas of the Barro Branco farmers’ movement. To prepare mentally and materially for the most intense moments of the struggle against the large landowners, daily work must be done. These tasks are undertaken by women comrades, who lead in health, food, agitation, and propaganda committees, build fences, prepare pé de moleque every two weeks, and raise funds for the Engenho Barro Branco Association—used for meetings, travel, food, etc.—practicing the second principle of the MFP: “Maintain independence in the struggle, always relying on our own strength.” In daily struggles against local police and thugs, they mainly elevate the ideological level of the fight of Barro Branco.

Women stand at the forefront of raising the Palestinian flag, understanding the internationalist nature of class struggle and recognizing the similarities in the heroic resistance of peoples under imperialist tyranny. As Elizabeth—a prominent peasant leader—who has always dedicated herself to advancing the struggle of all people of Barro Branco, especially her women comrades, recalls: “Before raising the flag, we first learned the procedure for raising the flag and how to raise the flags of the alliance and Palestine simultaneously. We held a meeting, voted multiple times, and more than 130 raised their hands in support of raising the flag. This was a turning point in Barro Branco’s history, with the people standing with the alliance, and now Barro Branco is no longer the backward place it once was.”

The fierce battle of Barro Branco

On September 28, 50 armed thugs, riding in 14 pickup trucks and carrying three anti-excavator bulldozers, supported by police from different cities in the region, invaded the squatters’ settlement, attempting to illegally evict these families. These thugs were hired by Agropecuária Mata Sul S/A, destroying two farmers’ homes and installing electronic fences on one of the lands.

The residents of the squatters’ settlement quickly prepared for self-defense, fighting back fiercely with sickles, hoes, sticks, and stones. They temporarily built barricades to stop the advancing thugs. Students, activists, and farmers from surrounding areas arrived to support the squatters, strengthening the resistance against the hired mercenaries. They raised red flags, sang revolutionary songs, and shouted revolutionary slogans to intimidate the enemies.

The revolutionary faith of women comrades pushed them to the front lines of the fight. Sandra, without hesitation, threw herself into the trenches of land struggle, fighting alongside farmers and students. Recalling her battlefield journey, Sandra said: “I was alone, holding a sickle, with God by my side. Then my man said: ‘Are you going among these people alone? For God’s sake, come back!’ I said: ‘I won’t go, I won’t come back at all,’ and I put the sickle on my back and went.” She continued: when she met her comrades, she saw the cowardly police: “They (military police) ran into the banana plantation and behind the church, and one of them told me to put away my sickle and go inside. I told him, ‘Do you think I am like you? Who is hiding, afraid of being shot? I want to be with the youth and the people, telling them that if I die, I will die happily. I will shed my blood in the struggle!’”

Around 2 p.m., the thugs fled through the back door, afraid of the fearless resistance of farmers and students. Among the cowards was José Antônio Fonseca Melo, president of the Pernambuco Zero Invasion Movement, who was shot in the abdomen during the confrontation. His confidant was also shot, and ten others were injured. This was the first armed action by a paramilitary organization in Pernambuco, and the brave performance of the farmers demonstrated the importance of organizing the people through independence, class struggle, and revolution to claim their rights. During the fight, two farmers and a student from the Federal University of Pernambuco (UFPE) were also shot but were unharmed.

The shot female farmer, who lives nearby, approached the scene after visiting a friend, with a gunshot wound in her shoulder. “I hadn’t even arrived when I was shot. They don’t care at all; whoever is in front has to die. The police did nothing; they support them (the thugs),” she told the Barro Branco Squatters’ Resistance Committee. Despite her injury, she drove home after treatment at Jacaira Hospital. This is the common attitude among farmers—they are not discouraged by the struggle and remain proud even in the face of the worst attacks.

Long before the fight, the relationship between students and farmers was very close. The most combative youth in Recife understood their class responsibility within the Revolutionary People’s Alliance. They not only supported the struggle of Barro Branco’s squatters but also willingly carried out tasks necessary to advance the revolution. When this woman farmer spoke of this connection, she smiled, just as Sandra said: “When you (students) first came here, you brought that atmosphere and strength, giving everyone courage. In some way, we formed an unbreakable bond with you. Now, no one can take us away from here.” Based on this unity, the education student Ana Cecília fearlessly joined the fierce battle. After being shot in the right leg, Cecília was hospitalized but insisted on returning to Barro Branco to stand with her colleagues and farmers until the mission was complete. Cecília’s heroic act inspires all young fighters to serve the people wholeheartedly, standing firm in the class struggle even on the most difficult paths, because our victory over the enemy is certain, and people’s unity is the greatest shield.

Comrade Elizabeth has an accurate view of the conflict on the 28th: “It was a great battle because we won! With the organization skills of the people, with comrades carrying only machetes, sickles, and sticks, we achieved victory! They had heavy weapons, over fifty people, all armed, but they couldn’t retreat along the entry route—they returned from elsewhere, all scared.” She also recognized the gains from this victory: “The fight we faced made us more determined, stronger, and better prepared. We won’t bow our heads! Not only me, but all my comrades—if we stay together, people will say ‘Let’s move forward, let’s unite, and become even more united!’” After the battle, police persecution continued. They deployed surveillance drones, intimidated residents during patrols, and even stationed military police inside the municipal school on the farm, often frightening children and harassing their families. Farmers strongly oppose the police presence, especially mothers and grandmothers in the community, who often discuss and condemn the cowardly acts against children. Children even looked forward to pajama night organized by teachers, but it was canceled because police slept in the classroom.

Police were also found walking around the school in underwear. Comrade Rosa, angry about the setbacks faced by children, complained: “Children can’t sleep in pajamas, but police can walk around all day in underwear? The fight against this organized harassment extends to all situations, making those who still believe police protect them realize that police are reactionary tools and must be defeated alongside the large landowners, as the slogans hanging around the area declare: ‘Police serve thieves, get out!’”

The land revolution in Barro Branco is deeply rooted and proves to be the true solution to internal conflicts among the people. The vibrant spirit of women farmers and students embodies the bright future of the working class’s victory and radiates hope. Elizabeth confidently concluded the interview, describing the fate of the residents of the Barro Branco squatters’ settlement: “I see my future, not only mine but also that of my women comrades. We will own land, produce, harvest, and live off the land. We are all here, eager to obtain the land we desire.” This is the fate of all oppressed rural people, who organize and use revolutionary violence to conquer all land, serving those who live and work there!

Fictional names are used to protect the identities of illegal squatters.

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Stunning, does this place count as a “rural base”?

It still can’t really be called that, even the Communist Party of India (Maoist) doesn’t have a true base, only guerrilla zones (although some guerrilla zones have become relatively stable, and continue to persist despite severe encirclement and difficult circumstances)

Want to know the specific difference between the base and the “guerrilla zone”

Not really, this is actually just equivalent to leading farmers in a struggle against rent, taxation, and land annexation, at most reclaiming property plundered by landlords during uprisings. It has not yet developed into an armed rebellion, nor has it truly established an independent regime.

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During our country’s Land Revolution, there was already a clear division between solid base areas and guerrilla zones. I remember Chairman Mao discussing in detail the differences between guerrilla zones and base areas when opposing Lin Biao’s banditry. My personal understanding is that the revolutionary policies and the stability of the revolutionary government are based on a core, with the main Red Army stationed to protect it. The existence of a publicly recognized Red-dominated region represents a partial qualitative change in the New Democratic Revolution. Usually, there are large guerrilla zones surrounding the base areas. This is both a battleground for the tug-of-war between enemy and us, and the frontier where the Red government conducts guerrilla warfare, expands into the White areas, and buffers against encirclement and suppression.
China’s experience shows that having a solid base area necessarily includes guerrilla zones, but having guerrilla zones does not necessarily mean there is a solid base area.

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In response to the ongoing thefts in Rondônia, Brazil, farmers executed the bandits
The following is a machine translation based on the English translation from the Red Pioneer newspaper:
According to media reports from “Acre 24 horas,” six people were killed in the Tiago Campin dos Santos area of Nova Mutum Paraná, Rondônia state. These names were released by the police, who stated that an investigation is ongoing. The police described this as a “massacre” triggered by land disputes, but local farmers claimed it was a “people’s justice action decided by the People’s Assembly,” aimed at addressing the continuous thefts by the organization against the rural population.
Acre media reported that “the police report indicates the presence of social movements in the area, such as the Landless Rural Workers’ Movement (LCP),” and emphasized that “the manner indicates” the incident involved “an organized group’s action.”
A rural woman from the Tiago Campin dos Santos area, who wished to remain anonymous, told New Democracy that the People’s Assembly held on March 2 decided to execute these individuals, and the community spontaneously organized to carry out this decision. She said that in various meetings of the People’s Assembly, these criminals had been warned multiple times.
What is the Tiago Campin dos Santos area?
Since 2021, this farming community has been resisting police suppression. At that time, the Bolsonaro government designated the Landless Rural Workers’ Movement (LCP), active in the area, as its top enemy and assembled a 3,000-strong force to confront the region. “Landless Rural Workers’ Movement (LCP), get ready, your actions will not go unpunished. There is no room here for terrorists,” Bolsonaro said during a political rally in Rondônia in May 2021.
At that time, Rondônia was at the center of a tense moment in the land dispute between the Landless Rural Workers’ Movement (LCP) and large local landowners. Over a year, more than a thousand farming families from two factions in Rondônia fought against a major police operation.
Despite deploying large-scale police and military forces, the resistance from self-defense organizations of the farmers prevented the expulsion of more than a third of the families, and eventually, the old state was forced to restore the original conditions of the expelled families, marking a complete victory for the farmers’ resistance movement.
Summary of the LCP statement on the death of six bandits
The following is a machine translation based on the English translation from the Red Pioneer newspaper:
The death of six bandits in the Tiago Campin dos Santos area was decided after the People’s Assembly, and the Landless Rural Workers’ Movement (LCP) has issued a statement on this matter. The full statement can be found at:

In the statement, the LCP reports that these individuals “resisted with weapons when the community decided to expel them at the People’s Assembly, and were ultimately shot dead.” They are notorious for “openly robbing community residents, threatening and armed intimidation of residents, and killing.”
Before being expelled, these individuals had been warned multiple times to cease their heinous acts, but they continued to commit these abominable behaviors. The statement says: “The residents could no longer endure it. After so many atrocities, they decided to hold a meeting, demand the expulsion of these bandits, and indicated that force could be used if necessary.” During the expulsion, these bandits attempted to resist and were eventually shot dead.
The LCP states: “These are degenerate elements who do not accept the minimum collective rules. In communities formed over land disputes, they have long been harassed by thugs and police, and have been exploited by the same police—serving as informants to avoid being stopped in their crimes, even becoming provocateurs, attempting to destabilize, attack, and destroy these communities that are constantly fighting for their rights. Relying on forces that only impose oppression, violence, barbaric acts, and various abuses will never solve the problem.”
The statement further points out: “It is clear that the people living under the scorching sun, earning their livelihood through hard labor, made such a drastic decision because of the systemic violence they have endured for a long time—violence from thugs and repression agencies of the old state, which are essentially enforcers for large landowners. We will continue to expose these crimes against the poor, mainly carried out by military police, whose members have become corrupt and serve as pawns (guaxebas) for the landowners. The crimes and atrocities committed by the landowning class and their state machinery have numbed the rural population to their cowardice and brutality. Therefore, the people have no trust in the police or judicial system, as most judges are themselves close to the landowners.” Furthermore, the statement notes that the name “Tiago Campin dos Santos” was chosen to honor the farmers Tiago and Ademar Ferreira, who were killed in the neighboring Dois Amigos community during land struggles.
The statement further explains that the repression, killings, and arrests of farmers at the Tiago Campin dos Santos camp “hindered the development of community organization in the area, weakened its leadership,” allowing “degenerate elements to infiltrate the community, exploiting kinship and other private contacts, and starting to commit robberies, murders, and other atrocities—activities that had never happened before in the camp—while these degenerates always carried guns.”
Nevertheless, the community continued to develop its organization, with local production steadily increasing. Farmers’ associations and other work committees fought to rebuild the infrastructure of the collective area ‘Alípio de Freitas Village,’ including the construction of health centers, schools, and community warehouses, organizing security, women’s work through the Women’s Movement of the People (MFP), education committees to ensure children, youth, and adults receive education, and improving health centers, promoting cultural entertainment and sports activities, expanding public works, opening more roads, improving transportation routes, increasing transport capacity, and fostering local commerce. However, the activities of the bandits made life unbearable for residents, and exhausted families requested a People’s Assembly to discuss and take action.
In the final part of the statement, the LCP affirms: “We firmly support people’s democracy, which manifests at all levels of mass organizations, based on the principles of democratic centralism, and following the work method of ‘from the masses, to the masses.’ We adhere to the practice of criticism and self-criticism, combining the general with the specific, and linking leadership with grassroots. When resolving internal conflicts among the people, non-confrontational conflicts, we advocate for open discussion, persuasion, and education to resolve issues fairly and reasonably. For minor illegal acts within the community, we support education and reform through collective labor, study, and mild disciplinary measures (such as temporarily depriving decision-making voting rights or suspending organizational duties). The severity of sanctions should depend on the responsibility and position of the individual within the organization. For serious crimes that harm the interests of the people, measures such as expulsion from the organization (if a member) or even the community itself are taken. All educational efforts are based on revolutionary, collectivist consciousness, as well as brotherhood and justice within the organization and community. We also educate everyone to understand that issues involving extremely serious situations must be decided collectively within the organizational system, according to the principles, program, line, and methods of the Landless Rural Workers’ Movement (LCP), ensuring democratic and rational decision-making.”
Finally, the statement emphasizes: “As mistakes are inevitable in general, so is the strong anger of the masses. After long-term oppression and exploitation, the people often resort to violence out of extreme indignation. Although we insist that all decisions should be as rational as possible and not driven solely by emotions and feelings, we do not condemn or oppose the actions driven by long-standing grievances. Instead, we support and recognize their motives and reasons. At the same time, we believe it is necessary to enhance the political participation of the masses, raise their awareness, and strengthen organizational development.”

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Brazil Conflicts Reach 50,000: Peasant Organization Expands

https://redherald.org/2025/07/29/50-000-conflicts-in-brazil-the-peasant-organization-increases/

  In 2024, the number of conflicts in rural Brazil reached the highest level in the past 45 years. According to the “New Democracy” report, “The latest report from the Pastoral Commission of Land (CPT) shows that there were 2,185 conflict incidents in rural Brazil in 2024, the second-highest record in history since 1985. It is roughly the same as last year, marking the consolidation of the most violent phase in the past two decades.”
  Over the past 45 years, a total of 50,161 conflicts have occurred in rural Brazil, demonstrating that this is the primary contradiction in Brazil and cannot be changed through the old state system.
  Regardless of who is in power, state violence is intensifying. In 2024, during the so-called “Workers’ Party” (PT) leadership of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, land conflicts peaked, totaling 1,768 incidents.
  Large landowners and their henchmen attacked impoverished farmers through evictions, illegal land grabs, encirclements, persecution, and rights violations. Another change is that in 2025, the emergence of paramilitary organizations such as “Zero Invasion” and increased use of legal means to suppress farmers have been observed. Due to the increased organization of farmers, threats of eviction and shootings have decreased. This indicates that repression still exists, but its methods have changed.
  The chart below shows statistical data on conflicts in rural Brazil.
  From the first row to the last, the order is: conflicts, murders, involved personnel, and hectares.

  The report also points out that although Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and his government have pledged to fight for the protection of the Amazon rainforest, attacks on nature have increased, indicating that the destruction of the rainforest must be stopped. Statistical data shows that deforestation has increased by 39%, and the number of forest fires has risen by 113% compared to the same period last year.
  This suggests that the president was lying when claiming that “the amount of deforestation in the Amazon has been decreasing since the second year of the government.” Meanwhile, the government is providing increasing financial support to large estate owners through the SAFRA Plan for 2023/2024 and 2024/2025.
  The ruling class’s legislative bodies are drafting laws such as the “Temporary Framework Law” and the “Destruction Law” to provide “legal grounds” for attacks on impoverished farmers and indigenous peoples, fueling paramilitary organizations like “Zero Invasion.”
  The report states that indigenous peoples, Kilmobora people, and riverside farmers have carried out 88 “land recovery” actions, indicating that farmer resistance is strengthening. We previously reported on farmers’ resistance actions; the latest case involves farmers in the Valdiro Chagas Revolutionary Area, who successfully repelled joint operations by military police and the paramilitary organization “Zero Invasion,” thanks to the strong organizational capacity led by the Landless People’s Movement (LCP).

Brazil: Farmers Launch a Wave of Occupations at the End of July

https://redherald.org/2025/08/06/brazil-peasants-launch-a-wave-of-occupations-at-the-end-of-july/

  The New Democracy reports that at the end of July, farmer mobilizations further escalated. Multiple mobilization and occupation actions shook rural areas across Brazil, mobilizing thousands of farmers. These actions are part of the nationwide mobilization event “Farmer Week” (July 21-25). Farmers oppose the “SAFRA plan” and the plan to give nearly 500 billion reais to large landowners by Luís Inácio. According to farmers’ organizations, about 122,000 farming families currently live in over 1,250 camps. They also revealed that despite more than 400,000 farming families having obtained land, rural areas still lack infrastructure, education, credit, and basic living security.

  Thousands of farmers occupied the headquarters of the National Institute for Colonization and Land Reform (Incra) in several cities: on July 22, more than 500 farming families occupied the Incra headquarters in João Pessoa, Paraíba state. In Paraíba, over 3,000 farming families live in 31 camps and 75 settlements. On July 22, more than 200 farming families occupied the headquarters in Brasília (Federal District), and over 300 farmers occupied the headquarters in the northern region of Rio de Janeiro state. On July 23, more than 300 farmers occupied the headquarters in São Paulo. Farmers remained there until the 24th, when the Rural Workers’ Movement (MST) attempted to “turn off the fire” of farmer activists. Also on July 22, farmers occupied the headquarters in Rio de Janeiro. On July 24, over 500 farmers occupied a large estate, the “Christovão Estate.”

  On July 22, more than 800 farmers occupied the headquarters of the National Institute for Colonization and Land Reform (Incra) in Recife. Subsequently, farmers continued mobilizing: on July 26, they set up a camp at the Melancia Farm in rural Pernambuco, and on July 27, they occupied land in a large estate.

  To address these fundamental issues facing Brazilian society, the New Democracy reports that the Landless People’s Movement (LCP) advocates for an agricultural revolution, thoroughly dismantling the large estate system and handing land over to those who labor and live on it. The LCP also condemns Luís Inácio’s agricultural policies, as they increasingly arm fascist paramilitary groups that collude with large landowners to attack organized farmers.

“Ongoing Guerrilla War in Roraima”: Bolsonaro Supporters Attempt to Demonize the Landless Workers' Movement to Destroy Their Land Rights

Brazil – ‘ongoing guerrilla in Rondônia’: Bolsonaro Supporters try to Demonize LCP to Destroy their Right to Struggle for Land – The Red Herald

Due to time and resource constraints, only machine translation via DeepL was used, without formatting or replacing “LCP” with “Landless Workers’ Movement (LCP)”.

  We share an unofficial translation of an article published by A Nova Democracia here.

  On August 8th, a farmer was murdered, and facilities at the Landless Workers’ Movement (LCP) camp were destroyed. Subsequently, Bolsonaro supporters launched a digital offensive on social media. Without any basis, Military Police (MP) Commander Regís Braguin and reactionary Army Colonel Fernando Montenegro released videos depicting the farmers’ movement as “armed guerrillas,” “criminal organizations,” and “rural insurgency,” with the obvious aim of creating a smokescreen to cover up illegal actions by the Special Operations Battalion (BOPE) in Machadinho d’Oeste, Area Valdiro Chagas, and to justify new attacks.

  In a recent video, Braguin claims to have “neutralized a Landless Workers’ Movement (LCP) terrorist,” boasts about executions, and states that the movement is “a disguised armed criminal organization posing as a social movement.” The video shows .762 caliber ammunition and weapons, which he claims are part of the “war arsenal” of the farmers’ movement.

  “Do you know what these rounds are? They are .762 caliber ammunition, used by the army in war,” Braguin explains. “This ammunition was found today by our Special Operations Battalion (BOPE) during police intervention in a farm invaded by the armed criminal group ‘Landless Workers’ Movement (LCP),’ which indeed uses the slogan ‘topple landlords’ in Roraima.” “Intelligence confirms that after occupying the farm, it was transformed into a guerrilla structure. I believe the guerrilla tactics adopted by the ‘Landless Workers’ Movement (LCP)’ include: setting up high lookout towers at the entrance for surveillance, marking land entrances with barricades, and even using houses as accommodation for the group, forming a guerrilla zone to hinder and prevent police intervention,” he added. “We found weapons of various calibers, including .762, .30, 9mm, .40,” Braguin summarized.

  Self-proclaimed as the spokesperson for “absolute justice,” Braguin quickly revealed his sinister side. In a video posted on his Instagram, a chilling propaganda clip shows a car driving in the dark, with children’s voices in the background: “One, two, don’t look back; three, four, no use running; five, six, it’s your turn; seven, eight, nine, ten, he’ll drag you by your feet.” At the end of the video, a police officer appears with a dazed expression in a car. Braguin was dissatisfied with this video and added in the post description: “We’re not only on the streets, we’re hunting.” As far as we know, the Brazilian Constitution does not grant police the authority to hunt civilians, but this commander clearly disregards that document. Ultimately, he is the one who admits to not complying with the state laws he claims to defend: on May 18, he said, “For me, the Landless Workers’ Movement (LCP) should be classified as terrorists; the law does not specify this, which is unfortunate, but that’s the reality, and we have acted accordingly in police operations.”

  In another video, the Commander of the Roraima Military Police (MP-RO) appears alongside Victor Paiva, Executive Director of the Roraima Agricultural Development Association (APROVASOJA-RO), who reveals that he has a “public-private partnership” with the colonel to promote a project called “rural security.” This is not surprising, as in Roraima, there are efforts to suppress land rights through police force, accompanied by massacres, violating the state’s reactionary laws. The plan places the police directly under the control of large landowners and their unconstitutionally employed agents, acting as internal security forces for the estates, while public lands are being seized and hoarded by these landowners. Incidentally, APROVASOJA-RO is an organization that supports Bolsonaro and is linked to funding sources of the 2022 Brazilian coup activities. Braguin explicitly positions the police as armed enemies of the rural population.

  Braguin is known for disregarding military regulations and even disrespecting the constitution. He frequently shares posts supporting Bolsonaro-aligned politicians like Ronaldo Caiado on Instagram. In one video, he even greets the governor and claims to be “the number one fan of the gentleman.” In another post, he appears alongside Roraima Governor Marcos Rocha and Ronaldo Caiado, declaring Caiado as “the presidential candidate of the republic,” claiming he “represents the hope for real change in Brazil.” According to military regulations, police are prohibited from engaging in political activities.

  In Montenegro, standing beside him, who combines his military career with the “trainer” identity, claiming to “cultivate special forces thinking,” he published an article on his personal blog accompanied by a series of videos. These videos use distorted concepts to accuse the Landless Workers’ Movement (LCP) of inciting “criminal rebellion” and “hybrid warfare,” claiming these actions are funded by so-called “foreign forces,” though he does not specify who these are. His blog references terms like “legal warfare” (using law as a weapon of war), implying that the movement has “judicial support” to “invade land,” but in reality, judicial rulings have historically systematically legitimized illegal evictions and land grabs by the state.

  On Instagram, this shameless individual further boasts: “This is not an ordinary invasion,” he writes in the caption of a video, claiming the camp is a “guerrilla base,” and that the Landless Workers’ Movement (LCP) is in the “initial phase of an ‘irregular war’ or rebellion.” “They have entered the first phase, using heavy weapons, and are in a dangerous transition to the second phase of guerrilla warfare, with lookout towers, barricades, and recruitment,” the military trainer states.

  In another video, Montenegro attempts to outline the so-called history of the Landless Workers’ Movement (LCP), accusing the organization of “controlling areas” and “acting as an armed group, setting up lookout towers and ambushes.” “Most dangerously, they want to establish free zones outside state jurisdiction,” the colonel concludes.

  Fernando Montenegro not only seeks to demonize the farmers’ movement but also claims to be a “little black boy”: in his spare time, he creates chaos and fuels U.S. sanctions against his own country. In a dystopian-style video, he states that U.S. sanctions on Brazil will have disastrous consequences because the Brazilian government is “challenging” the U.S. government, just like “Venezuela and Iran.” He says: “I think the implementation of this law could overthrow the current government or trigger a civil war, do you agree?” — this question sounds both doubtful and eager. “The lesson is that Brazil, due to its dependence, cannot withstand sanctions,” this shameless individual says in a militia-style digital voice, implying Brazil must either free President Bolsonaro from condemnation or face being marginalized in the world.

  Reactionary media in Roraima quickly amplifies the accusations. Media outlets like Roraima Panorama publish headlines such as “Crime gang uses war weapons against police,” repeating official narratives without evidence or hearing the accused side. This editorial stance is no coincidence, further strengthening the symbiotic relationship between local media and the large landowning class—who are the main perpetrators behind these massacres disguised as police actions.

Strong Response

  The Landless Workers’ Movement (LCP)’s response is very firm. “They cannot scare us. The Landless Workers’ Movement (LCP) is made up of workers who have resisted oppression for hundreds of years. We are exactly what they fear most: organized people,” declared the national committee of the movement.

  The movement also accuses the police operation of occurring after multiple attacks by hired thugs employed by large landowners, and criticizes the army for “replacing thugs and carrying out dirty work on the orders of the landowner bandits.”

  “But this is nothing new,” the LCP continued, “it is a continuation of state terrorism since the Colombiara incident on August 9, 1995, which still operates in the same way today. That’s how the BOPE, a cowardly and murderous force, operates—above the law, invading farmers’ areas, killing workers and their leaders.” The statement also includes accusations from the Brazilian Bar Association (Abrapo), which specifically blames Braguin and Montenegro for “inciting hatred against farmers” and “political persecution under the guise of police operations.”

  The Land Pastoral Committee (CPT) also issued a statement reminding that military police should not act as political influencers, which Braguin clearly does.

30 Years of Impunity…

  The invasion in the Machadinho d’Oeste area (Valdiro Chagas) occurred on the eve of the 30th anniversary of the Santa Elena Campaign (also known as the “Colombiara Massacre”). In 1995, Roraima police and thugs attacked hundreds of camping families, resulting in deaths, torture, and disappearances, including a 7-year-old girl.

  Thirty years later, history repeats itself in a shocking manner, revealing that the old state repression machinery against farmers remains intact. Helicopters hover low, ground troops advance, indiscriminately shooting at homes with entire families inside. Houses are burned down, belongings destroyed—ranging from household appliances to solar panels purchased with great effort, crops burned, livestock slaughtered, and water wells poisoned. All these acts occurred without judicial authorization, blatantly violating the constitution and the Criminal Procedure Code, which require search warrants and legal grounds for such actions.

  However, despite the intensification of repression, it also indicates that the farmers’ struggle in the region is gaining strength. Even under fierce attack, the Landless Workers’ Movement (LCP) continues to expand its organization and mass base. “If they want to eliminate us, we will rise again with greater strength. Our struggle is just and historic,” the farmers boldly declare in their statement.