[Information Collection] General Secretary of the Ceylon Communist Party Sammugathasan

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Great Leader and Revolutionary Mentor of the Chinese People and the People of the World, Chairman Mao Zedong, Meets General Secretary of the Ceylon Communist Party, S. A. Samarakoon

Editor’s note: The following is an introduction to the life of Nagananda Samarakoon (1920–1993), founder and first General Secretary of the Ceylon Communist Party, and founder of the International Revolutionary Movement. The country, regardless of size, is equal. Although Ceylon is a small country, it has produced a party with notable achievements. Among communist parties worldwide, they are all brothers and equals. Although the Ceylon Communist Party is a small party, it dares to oppose the counter-current of Chinese revisionism,坚持革命, even when temporarily confused, it continues along the correct revolutionary路线, ultimately becoming one of the founding members of the International Revolutionary Movement. As the General Secretary and founder of the Ceylon Communist Party, Nagananda Samarakoon is the soul of the party. His life is that of a great communist. In his own words, “I became a communist in 1939 and have never looked back since.”

Moreover, the anti-current spirit of the Ceylon Communist Party and Samarakoon also shows what it truly means to be a communist. Today, a widely circulated view is that all errors of communist parties in various countries are caused by the so-called “Soviet influence” or “Chinese influence,” all due to the “Great Power Chauvinism” of socialism/revisionism in the Soviet Union and China, and completely unrelated to opportunist lines within their own parties. However, take a good look at how the Chinese Communist Party treats its internal errors: “Regarding some mistakes of Stalin, the Chinese Communists have long been aware of them. The Chinese Communist Party has historically made ‘Left’ and ‘Right’ opportunist line errors. These errors, from an international perspective, were sometimes influenced by Stalin’s mistakes… Due to some of Stalin’s erroneous policies, which were accepted and implemented by some Chinese comrades, the Chinese themselves are responsible. Therefore, our party’s struggle against ‘Left’ and ‘Right’ opportunism has always been limited to criticizing our own comrades who made mistakes, rather than blaming Stalin.”[1] It is evident that regardless of external factors, internal causes are the decisive factors in the development of events. Errors within communist parties of various countries should primarily be sought within their own internal lines, rather than blaming other brother parties. The Ceylon Communist Party and Samarakoon are prime examples of not being blinded by revisionist China. Comparing the deeds of the Ceylon Communist Party and Samarakoon, those leftists and revisionists who always blame “Soviet influence” or “Chinese influence” to shirk responsibility for their own or others’ mistakes should feel deeply ashamed.


  1. “People’s Daily” Editorial Office, “Red Flag” Magazine Editorial Office: “On Stalin’s Issue—Second Evaluation of the CPC Central Committee’s Open Letter” (September 13, 1963) ↩︎

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Sanmugathasan (1920–1993), entered the University of Colombo in 1938, and after graduating in 1943, became a professional revolutionary of the Ceylon Communist Party. In 1964, he led the establishment of the new Ceylon Communist Party. This article collects some information about Sanmugathasan found in Chinese literature. On this occasion, it also commemorates the 130th anniversary of the Chairman’s birth. In 1956, Sanmugathasan attended the 8th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party.[1] In May 1963, he visited China and signed the “Joint Statement of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions and the Ceylon Trades Union Federation”.[2] In December 1963, he participated in the 16th annual meeting of the Ceylon Trades Union Federation. > Xinhua, Colombo, December 18 — The 16th annual meeting of the Ceylon Trades Union Federation opened here today. Over 800 representatives and observers from 33 trade unions attended this conference. > The General Secretary of this trade union federation, Sanmugathasan, along with some other leaders, recently jointly issued a declaration with many members of the Ceylon Communist Party, demanding correction of the errors currently led by the party, and to free the party from the heavy burden of revisionism. > At this annual meeting, Sanmugathasan, on behalf of the Ceylon Trades Union Federation, presented a written general report, which was enthusiastically discussed by the delegates present today. The meeting will continue until the 20th. > Delegations from the trade unions of China and Indonesia were invited to attend this annual meeting and received a warm welcome from the delegates. > “The Ceylon Trade Union Conference unanimously adopted Sanmugathasan’s general report, united all progressive forces against imperialism, and the delegates expressed trust in General Secretary Sanmugathasan and condemned revisionist sabotage acts. Li Jiebó delivered a speech emphasizing the development of friendly cooperative relations between Sri Lanka and China and the fighting friendship between the workers of the two countries.” — People’s Daily, December 21, 1963. In January 1964, the new Ceylon Communist Party was established. > The Ceylon Communist Party was founded on July 3, 1943, and its predecessor was the United Socialist Party established in 1941. In 1943, the United Socialist Party was declared illegal, and its members subsequently formed the Ceylon Communist Party in July of the same year. In the early 1960s, internal splits occurred within the Ceylon Communist Party over major domestic and international issues. In January 1964, a group led by Politburo member Sanmugathasan and Kumarasiri held the 7th Congress alone, elected a new Central Committee, and established a new party, still called the Ceylon Communist Party. Kumarasiri was appointed General Secretary, and Sanmugathasan was a Politburo member and National Organizer. By the end of 1964, the party experienced another split, with the majority led by Sanmugathasan expelling Kumarasiri’s faction, which in 1966 formed the “National Purpose” organization.[3] On February 4, 1964, “The leadership of the CPSU is the biggest splitist in the contemporary era — Seven Comments on the CPC Central Committee’s Open Letter” pointed out: > “Marxist-Leninists of all countries, undaunted by violence, unafraid of difficulties, uphold the truth, dare to fight, demonstrating the great revolutionary spirit of communist soldiers. Comrades like Griba and others representing the Belgian Communist Party, comrades like Amazonas and Grabuys representing the Brazilian Communist Party, comrades like Hill representing the Australian Communist Party, and comrades like Kumarasiri and Sanmugathasan representing the Ceylon Communist Party, as well as Marxist-Leninists from many countries including India, Italy, France, and the United States, are such brave fighters.” In 1965, Sanmugathasan met with the General Secretary twice. Excerpts from these talks, “Building a Mature and Combat-Ready Party,” were included in Volume 1 of “Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping.” > On June 12, welcomed to the capital airport by Sri Lankan (Ceylon) Communist leaders N. Sanmugathasan. > On June 14, met with N. Sanmugathasan. > On June 17, saw off N. Sanmugathasan at the airport. > On December 27, met and hosted the Sri Lankan (Ceylon) Communist leaders Sanmugathasan in Beijing.[4] In December 1965, he visited Yan’an.[5] In June 1966, he attended the Third Conference of Textile, Clothing, Leather, and Fur Workers. > Sri Lankan trade unionist N. Sanmugathasan also refuted the so-called “anti-Soviet” rumors about the Chinese delegation at the meeting. He said criticizing the current policies of the Soviet Union is not an insult to the October Revolution; it is very strange logic. “We are not insulting the October Revolution; we are criticizing the betrayal of revolutionary principles advocated by Lenin and Stalin. It is those who deviate from the principles of the October Revolution who insult Lenin and the October Revolution.” At the end of his speech, he emphasized passionately, “China enjoys high prestige in Asia, Africa, and Latin America amid the current revolutionary surge. For oppressed peoples in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, China’s revolutionary leadership is a lighthouse.” — People’s Daily, June 10, 1966. On July 3, 1966, he made a speech commemorating the 23rd anniversary of the founding of the Ceylon Communist Party.[6] On October 5, 1966, he was hosted by Kang Sheng during his visit to China.[7] In May 1967, he gave a report at Beijing Geological Institute. > Wang Dabin, director of the “Eastern Red” Commune Revolutionary Committee at Beijing Geological Institute, delivered a welcome speech. He said, “Today, we are with great excitement welcoming the messenger of the Ceylon Communist Party and the Ceylon people, Comrade Sanmugathasan, from the front lines of the anti-imperialist and anti-revisionist struggle.” > “Comrade Sanmugathasan’s important report at Beijing Geological Institute: Our era is the great Mao Zedong era.” — People’s Daily, May 27, 1967. On June 6, 1967, he met with the Chairman. The talks involved the then Arab Democratic Resistance Movement and domestic movements. > In the afternoon, he met with Sanmugathasan, a member of the Politburo and Secretary of the Central Committee of the Ceylon Communist Party, at Conference Room 118 of the Great Hall of the People, with Kang Sheng and Liu Ningyi present. (Chronicle of 1949–1976, Vol. 6, p. 90) On August 14, he sent a letter to Li Dunbai, an American expert working at the Chinese Broadcasting Bureau, who was in China during his visit. The letter expressed apologies for revealing the content of his talks with Mao Zedong after returning to his country and asked Li Dunbai to find Kang Sheng or Liu Ningyi for an explanation. Mao Zedong instructed: “Comrade Kang Sheng: Do not blame the comrades who made such remarks. It is not a problem to publish general conversations.” (Chronicle of 1949–1976, Vol. 6, p. 110) In this letter, Sanmugathasan said: “Now, someone told me that the content of the conversation with the Chairman cannot be disclosed without approval.” He expressed regret for revealing the content of his talks with Mao Zedong during his visit to China and in articles published after returning home. He said, “This is not intentional.” “If you can find time to meet with Comrade Kang Sheng or Liu Ningyi and accurately explain the situation that caused this mistake, I would be very grateful.” (Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 49) In March 1969, he published an article titled “Trotsky’s Role in History” in the Ceylon Communist Party’s magazine “Red Flag”.[8] On October 1, 1969, he was one of the foreign communist figures who met with Chairman Mao on National Day.[9] On October 9, 1969, he visited Shaoshan.[10] From October 10 to 17, 1969, he toured Nanchang and Jinggangshan.[11] On July 30, 1970, at a reception honoring the Palestine Liberation Organization (Fatah) delegation visiting Ceylon, he condemned the US-Soviet conspiracy to suppress the Palestinian revolution, saying, “We believe victory will belong to the Palestinian people.”[12] On June 2, 1970, he and other members of the Politburo of the Ceylon Communist Party issued a statement celebrating the “May 20th Declaration”.[13] On July 20, 1970, he delivered a speech at a mass rally in Colombo supporting the struggle of peoples worldwide against U.S. imperialist invasion.[14] On September 30, 1970, he sent a congratulatory letter on the 21st anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China.[15] and wrote an article for the National Day.[16] On November 25, 1970, he attended the reception held by Chinese Ambassador Ma Ziqing celebrating the groundbreaking of the China-aided Bandaranaike International Conference Hall.[17] On February 14, 1971, he issued a statement condemning U.S. imperialist expansion in the Indochina War.[18] On March 22, 1971, he congratulated China on successfully launching its second artificial Earth satellite.[19] In 1972, he visited China.[20] On September 9, 1973, he wrote a letter congratulating the successful conclusion of the 10th Congress.[21] On April 5, 1975, he sent condolences on the death of Dong Biwu.[22] On December 19, 1975, he sent condolences on the death of Kang Sheng.[23] On January 9, 1976, he sent condolences on the death of Zhou Enlai.[24] He also visited the Chinese Embassy in the UK to mourn Zhou Enlai’s passing.[25] On June 2, 1976, he praised the great victory against the “Rightist Counter-Revolutionary Wind”.[26] On September 9, 1976, he sent a condolence message to the Central Committee on the death of Chairman Mao.[27] On October 11, 1976, he sent a congratulatory letter to the new Chairman.[27] On August 27, 1977, he sent a congratulatory telegram on the conclusion of the 11th Congress.[28] In 1978, the Ceylon Communist Party split. > After 1976, disagreements emerged within the Ceylon Communist Party regarding the theory of the three worlds and the split with China and Albania. In April 1977 and May 1978, the party held the 11th Congress and a special representative meeting, passing reports by Sanmugathasan on “The Situation in China and the Theory of the Three Worlds.” Politburo member K. A. Subramaniam and others disagreed with Sanmugathasan’s attacks (omitted), and in July 1978, they published “Letter to All Members of the Ceylon Communist Party,” publicly breaking with Sanmugathasan. Later, at the end of December 1978, a special representative meeting was convened, and the Sri Lanka Communist Party (Leftist) was established.[3] In 1984, the Sri Lanka Communist Party led by Sanmugathasan became a founding member of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement. On February 8, 1993, Sanmugathasan passed away in the UK. On February 15, 1993, the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement Committee issued a statement on Comrade Sanmugathasan’s death. > Comrade Sanmugathasan dedicated his life to the realization of communism. He was a highly respected public figure in Sri Lanka, loved by workers, peasants, revolutionary intellectuals, and progressives. His life was intertwined with the history of the Sri Lankan revolutionary movement and the international communist movement. As he said, “I became a communist in 1939 and never looked back.” — “On the Death of Comrade Sanmugathasan — Statement by the Committee of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement.” Articles about Sanmugathasan can be found in bannedthought. References ^“Between Communication and Display: Research on Party Diplomacy during the 8th CPC National Congress,” p. 67 ^“Documents on China’s Foreign Relations, Volume 10, 1963,” p. 528 ^“21st Century Grassroots Party Building Encyclopedia, Volume 2,” p. 2288 ^“Great Life Journey: 1904–1997,” pp. 194, 196 ^“Yan’an Local Chronicles,” p. 781 ^People’s Daily, July 9, 1966 ^People’s Daily, October 6, 1966 ^“Collected and Edited by Lu Xiaofan, ‘Trotsky’s Role in History’ — Reply to V. Karalashengha,” 托洛茨基在历史上的作用 ——答维·卡拉拉辛格哈姆 - 激流网 ^“Chronicle of 1949–1976, Volume 6,” p. 270 ^“Shaoshan Chronicles,” p. 342 ^“Jiangxi Chronicles, 70, Jiangxi Foreign Affairs Chronicles,” p. 144 ^People’s Daily, August 6, 1970 ^People’s Daily, June 6, 1970 ^People’s Daily, July 30, 1970 ^People’s Daily, October 4, 1970 ^People’s Daily, October 18, 1970 ^People’s Daily, November 27, 1970 ^People’s Daily, February 19, 1971 ^People’s Daily, March 27, 1971 ^People’s Daily, July 11, 1972 ^People’s Daily, September 23, 1973 ^People’s Daily, April 12, 1975 ^People’s Daily, December 20, 1975 ^People’s Daily, January 11, 1976 ^People’s Daily, January 13, 1976 ^People’s Daily, June 4, 1976 ^People’s Daily, October 28, 1976 ^People’s Daily, September 5, 1977