All in one, and one for all! What did we learn from 《世界产联人》

A comrade previously recommended a very good documentary — “The World of the International Workers.” This documentary mainly narrates through the accounts of old workers the past experiences of the IWW (Industrial Workers of the World) in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, leading the American working class to fight for their own rights. The documentary’s narrators include male and female workers, white and Black workers, silk workers, lumberjacks, as well as dock workers, textile workers, itinerant workers, and some progressives who supported the labor movement. The documentary directly reflects the precarious situation of the American working class under the historical conditions of that time and their fearless spirit in fighting against their enemies. Just as Fenghuo wrote in the Guide to Ideological Struggle, “The working class, due to its own class status and class practice, is the most revolutionary, most cohesive, and most readily accepting of Marxism among all classes because it bears no burden of private property.” Here I record and share my reflections on watching the documentary, hoping everyone recognizes the extreme importance of practice in transforming class positions, and thus more resolutely embark on the path of going to work in factories, using labor to reform themselves.

Documentary Bilibili link [:link:]https://www.bilibili.com/video/BV1DY41117Yi/

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After watching this documentary, I have many thoughts. It describes the extremely hard living conditions of the working class at the end of the 19th century and the early 20th century. Migrant workers, in order to change jobs, had to climb onto freight trains and sit for hours or even more than ten hours in extremely dangerous environments. Not only that, they also faced extortion and robbery by conductors and a series of people, bandits, and thieves; robbers would take money or drive people off the train, and those workers who could not pay would be forcibly pushed off the train, with the claim that this was “lubricating the rails”—extremely cruel. Also memorable is the plight of lumberjacks in the American Northwest, where more than a hundred lumberjacks lived in “workers’ dormitories” that were even worse than pig pens or cow stables, day after day selling their lives to capitalists, bodies covered in injuries, and not even a clean, healthy meal, sometimes only a sleeping board without a proper bed. In such conditions, the working class increasingly realizes that only by uniting and fighting can they overcome the enemy and achieve victory. The IWW (Industrial Workers of the World) helped the working class fight, and when migrant workers rode freight trains, they formed a flying squad that specialized in fighting and capturing robbers.

One tactic mentioned in the documentary about the IWW is active sabotage (shirking). American harvest workers worked extremely hard; capitalists treated workers purely as tools—cruelly exploiting them when needed and ruthlessly discarding them when not, with no regard for the workers’ survival. Harvest workers during off-season were treated as vagrants and could even be thrown into prison by the government just for walking on the streets, forced to do hard labor for the state, and paid nothing. When harvest season came, they were heavily exploited again, working ten-plus hours a day with no opportunity to rest. I didn’t know before what sabotage meant; the documentary explains that the term comes from French, where sabot means wooden shoes; when French workers wanted to rest, they would throw wooden shoes into the machines to break them—this is the origin of sabotage. “We are the enslaved of rebellion; we shall not rest until our goals are achieved.” This sentence left a deep impression on me.

What impressed me most was the IWW members across various regions and cities openly giving speeches to promote the benefits of unions. Even when reactionary governments introduced measures and banned any organizations other than religious groups and the Salvation Army from speaking or propagating ideas, the IWW members did not fear such reactionary decrees or the penalties they would face. They continued on the streets with speeches and debates against the enemy. IWW member Hill wrote the song “The Missionary and the Slave” and kept promoting, fighting, hoping to awaken more workers to avoid being deceived by the bourgeoisie’s so-called “God will feed you.” Happiness can only be achieved through working-class unity and struggle. As a Marxist, I felt too afraid to publicly declare my views, and during labor reforms I seldom actively expose political matters to fellow workers, which I found very shameful. The reactionary U.S. government, during the war, did everything to slander the IWW to undermine the workers’ movement and prevent workers from striking. American capitalism slandered the IWW as “inciters,” saying they were bought by Germany, traitors, or mice stealing American wealth. Yet countless speakers did not fear the government’s reactionary laws, and they continued to stand on soapboxes on the streets one by one, until prisons were filled with these speakers. Foster records in his autobiography that “I was not enthusiastic about founding a wage-workers’ party; even as it was being formed, I shifted my attention to the IWW. In the autumn of 1909, I went from Seattle to Spokane to report on the struggle for freedom of speech in Spokane for TILDUS’s Laborer’s Newspaper (formerly the Seattle Socialist). Spokane’s fight for freedom of speech was one of the most intense among many such struggles led by the IWW. The city authorities, to prevent the IWW from approaching the crowds of roaming workers on the sidewalk, passed a strict law banning street speeches, and they issued a nationwide call to recruit volunteers for the army, drawing hundreds into the city to prepare for prison. Police used brutal whippings and mass arrests to deal with anyone attempting to speak on the street. In the early days of the struggle, IWW fighters refused to execute the 34-day stone-moving labor sentence and were imprisoned in the cold Franklin School, fed only white bread and water. This was a horrific system; rations were only two ounces of white bread, leading to serious stomach problems and near-starvation. Three people became very ill, and soon after release died. About six hundred people were arrested during the struggle, which continued until March 1910.

Upon arriving in Spokane, I immediately actively participated in this struggle. I sincerely admired the IWW’s fighting spirit, which starkly contrasted with the empty rhetoric of the Socialist Party. I was arrested and spent two months in prison. In prison, I joined the IWW (the world labor union). After being released, I became the chairman of the workers’ committee negotiating a resolution with the authorities. The negotiation result was almost a complete victory for the IWW because the offending decree was repealed. The working class is the true fighter for democracy, equality, and freedom. They are not afraid of prison, not afraid of labor, and they continue their propaganda and struggle even when prisons are full, ultimately forcing the government to lift the ban. It was precisely because of the struggles of the working class that the imperialists in the United States could maintain a certain degree of freedom of speech. I should learn this selfless spirit of fighting for the interests of the working class, unafraid of slander or prison."

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This documentary first shocked my past liberal思想. In the past I often believed that a country like the United States with formal democracy, the bourgeoisie’s repression shouldn’t be as reactionary as in China. Of course, such thoughts also stem from my long life in a wealthy petty bourgeois existence. In the documentary, workers who strive for their legitimate (even arguably “legal”) rights, such as higher wages and shorter working hours, are suppressed by imperialist reactionary police and military forces. At one point, when a ship docked, police onshore directly shot and killed workers in a frenzy; the surviving workers could not even see the bodies of their sacrificed comrades—the police claimed the bodies were missing. Clearly, bourgeoisies in different countries are the same; the tools used to maintain rule by the exploiting class have never been Parliament or government, but the army, courts, and prisons. And the workers in the film simply do not care about formal democracy, which party is Democrat or Republican; the working class has long seen that they are all just scoundrels. Only the affluent petty bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie spend their days studying the grandmotherly “formal democracy” conferences. The workers’ struggle is for the most tangible interests: wages, working hours, and other real rights. They also hold little illusion about bourgeois formal democracy. In the struggle, their slogans went beyond syndicalist scope, directly calling for the abolition of the wage system.

Seeing the revolutionary optimism of I.W.W. members is also very shocking. The opening is a Q&A: someone asks where I.W.W. members live. An I.W.W. member answers a prison; what about before? His reply is another prison… This fearless attitude toward counter-revolutionary repression is not something a selfish person can show. When this voice is played, the images show photos of arrested workers in prisons and detention centers, wearing prison uniforms. Each worker’s eyes are firm; to them, being put behind bourgeois iron bars is not a shame or something to worry about. Just as Chairman Mao said, “Being opposed by the enemy is a good thing, not a bad thing.” This is an honor to them. It reminds me of a previous I.W.W. song MV I heard, which also displayed photos of many workers who participated in the workers’ movement and were arrested. The song was adapted from the famous American labor movement song Hold the Fort (守住街垒), titled Remember. https://www.bilibili.com/video/BV1YHWSeLEKk/

I also heard many familiar labor songs here. In the past I enjoyed listening, but did not understand their background. Hearing the older workers interviewed in the film sing these songs, one can feel that behind every revolutionary song is a story of class struggle. These older workers are very energetic, even though they are quite old. At the end, they each declare that although the workers’ movement in the past failed, they “cannot change,” having become fighters who resist capitalist society, and will not give up the struggle. They proudly say that without the hands of workers, the world cannot operate. The most impressive line for me is: I hope to see the working class organized. If so, about 2 billion workers on Earth could develop this planet as much as possible, without having to listen to the commands of a few parasites.

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At first I didn’t understand the IWW and felt it regrettable that it leaned toward anarcho-syndicalism, and I even wondered why the American Communist Party didn’t work with the IWW. But after watching this documentary I realized that the IWW was already founded in 1905, while the Communist Party of the United States was established only in 1919. This shows my own ignorance on one hand, and on the other hand demonstrates that industrial workers are indeed the most advanced; even without leadership from a communist party, the IWW also waged extremely fierce struggles with the U.S. government. One scene that left a deep impression was the workers giving speech after speech, then being arrested by the police; but it was precisely because the workers stood in solidarity that the government was forced to release them from prison. There was also a worker who, when asked repeatedly by the police what place he was from, answered with the names of several prisons, showing his resolve not to fear imprisonment and to fight the U.S. government to the end. There is also the revelation of anti-communist slander by the American empire against the Communist movement and the IWW. It feels shameless that the bourgeoisie smeared workers as hooligans and terrorists, and smeared the Bolsheviks as mice stealing the bourgeois private property. These reactionary propaganda pieces were not even produced by the U.S. empire’s official channels, but were the handiwork of now-extremely well-known monopolistic corporations such as Ford and Disney, revealing the reactionary face of these capitalist enterprises. The bourgeoisie and the proletariat are in a completely irreconcilable life-and-death struggle; any ideal of class harmony through reform is not to exist. Finally, the workers say that since they have already become rebels, it is impossible to change now, because they themselves cannot tolerate betraying their own beliefs; they will forever be rebels against reactionary order rather than defenders of it.

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I also watched that documentary. You can feel the revolutionary vigor of the IWW when it is on the right track! From the very beginning, the IWW did not discriminate against female workers, Black workers, or non-technical workers; regardless of gender, nationality, race, industry, or skin color, anyone who lives by wages could become a member of the IWW. Its strength comes from the entire working class, and its goal is direct confrontation with the capitalist system—“abolish the wage system!”. At that time, the American Federation of Labor (AFL) still only accepted skilled workers, so colored people and Chinese workers could not join.

All the world that’s owned by idle drones is ours and ours alone.
Owned by those who do not labor should belong to us
We have laid the wide foundations; built it skyward stone by stone.
We have laid the foundations of the (entire society), and built it up brick by brick
It is ours, not to slave in, but to master and to own.
(This world) is ours, not to be enslaved, but to possess and master it
— Solidarity Forever

Compared with AFL, a yellow union, it is clearer that a workers’ organization like the IWW, which opposes the capitalist system itself, can unite a broad range of oppressed workers. AFL, which only accepts skilled workers, represents only a small portion of workers who can profit from technical and knowledge capital—not only is its power small, but what it defends is also only their interests within capitalist society. Therefore other unions did not have the fighting spirit of the IWW. They could not win the eight-hour workday that the IWW could; when the U.S. government restricted freedom of speech, IWW speakers went up one after another to speak; for train robbers, gunmen, and police, the IWW could also engage in sharp and direct struggle.
So it is truly regrettable to see the IWW be struck down and gradually fade away. When Haywood and other leaders were arrested and forcibly tried, besides anger there was also wondering: why was the IWW, which was already openly active, not arrested by the preexisting American bourgeois government? Why didn’t the IWW stage even larger strikes to protest arrests and pressure the government? The documentary says that at that time the IWW was in a predicament both domestically and internationally, and internally there was a struggle between anarchist and communist routes, which, I fear, was also because the路线 (lines) caused power to weaken, leading to a sudden downfall in the face of suppression. Although the IWW moved toward anarchism, the workers fought for many democratic rights; revolutionary workers had lived as rebels and would no longer defend the capitalist order; we also saw the power of路线 and solidarity, and saw the class enemies pushed to the brink of extinction.
I look forward to the day when a fighting union is established in China, a country with a high concentration of workers, to organize workers to conduct open struggles!

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I also watched this documentary yesterday. What impressed me most about the IWW at that time compared to the American Federation of Labor (AFL) was that they truly stood on the side of the working class. At the beginning, the IWW stated that they would not measure a person’s eligibility to join the union by gender, race, ethnicity, or labor ability differences. What impressed me most during this part is that the IWW did not view non-technical (unskilled) workers with any discrimination; they had a considerable number of members who were migrant workers. It reminds me that in the past and today, capitalist yellow unions often exclude non-technical/unskilled workers from joining, and the often-made assumption is that a person lacks skills because they do not work diligently or are too selfish. They don’t consider that many workers are dismissed for various absurd reasons by the bourgeoisie shortly after starting work, never giving them a chance to develop their abilities, and then they scold these workers as “lazy” and “incompetent,” which is extremely infuriating. I also think that within the working class there are skilled workers or scabs with incorrect ideas of hierarchy who look down on unskilled workers/non-skilled, using labor hierarchy to oppress them. In fact, this is also treating one’s own labor ability as a capital to press others, maintaining the labor hierarchy; ultimately it is to uphold one’s own privileged status, not a stance from the working-class perspective, which is very selfish and reactionary. I recall that in the past I liked to promote the labor hierarchy in the workplace, choosing a path of skilled worker. For me, the main purpose of following this path was also very selfish, thinking about personal interests, believing that “being skilled at work” would not cause trouble for other workers. In reality, I was afraid of making mistakes on the job and clashing with coworkers, so I supported the skilled-trade path and forced myself to learn quickly. Although I privately believed I would never become a scab, my subjective urge to quickly develop my labor ability often made me become a scab, and I came to accept that labor hierarchy was reasonable. When I worked in a factory in the past, I was often scolded by the foreman for not being proficient, and I didn’t want to argue with him, instead concocting the strange notion that “my foreman is sharp-tongued but kind at heart” to maintain an appearance of harmony and seek ease, while tolerating the foreman’s belief in labor hierarchy. This was bad for both sides. In reality, I should have stood from the perspective of the working class, not feeling uneasy or hypocritical about being a “non-skilled worker/unskilled worker.” Workers are inherently equal to one another; my defense of the labor hierarchy was actually aligning with the bourgeois division of workers and had a very negative impact. Later, after watching the documentary, I realized that during World War I, many IWW workers publicly opposed U.S. imperialist war, and the U.S. government took extremely despicable measures to suppress these workers, either arresting them outright or shooting them. Yet the working class persisted in the struggle; although the subsequent struggles faced setbacks, the proletariat’s horizon is wide and long-term, and they did not lose heart and were willing to continue the fight. The documentary also shows a scene where workers stood atop soapboxes, preaching in succession, and were repeatedly taken away by reactionary police; none of the workers thought only of their own interests, showing no fear, and eventually the prisons became overcrowded, forcing the government to repeal reactionary laws. This is very admirable; it shows that these workers were selflessly striving for the interests of the proletariat, and we should learn from them. The most striking moment in my reflection notes is after the founding of Soviet Russia, when the International (ILO/World Federation of Trade Unions) divided into two factions: communists and anarchists, two lines of struggle. Recalling the heroic deeds of workers in earlier struggles, but ultimately failing due to lack of guidance from Marxist thought, it underscored the necessity of integrating Marxist thought with the working class. It became increasingly clear that the working class cannot seize power and achieve liberation through a single-class force alone; it must form a revolutionary alliance based on the worker-peasant bloc, unite with all progressive classes in society, uphold Proletarian leadership, and decisively fight against the bourgeoisie and its running dogs so that revolution can reach victory. To achieve this, we must earnestly study and thoroughly understand Marxism. Indeed, the more I learn about the past oppressed classes resisting oppression and the efforts they made to overthrow the old society, the more obvious it becomes that Marxism is something precious and hard-won.

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I’m currently writing a reflective piece and only have some vague experiences, but I still remember at the very beginning IWW members proudly saying that they went from one prison to another, wondering how much suffering these people endured. But later I saw workers shutting down machines and striking from factory to factory; I saw speakers stepping onto the stage one by one and being arrested by the police and sent to prison, until the prisons were filled. I couldn’t help but feel ashamed of my own survival philosophy—compared to these revolutionary predecessors, my mind still dwells on what to eat and drink, how to treat illness. I seldom consider the plight of the working class, thinking if I faced those cops who might haul me away to jail, I’d be scared and fearful. But they didn’t think that way, because their lives have no retreat; wherever they go, it’s a big prison. A person’s conscience and morality are determined by their way of life, so proletarianization is indeed a very important matter. One must learn the fine ethos and qualities of the working class, change one’s lifestyle, and only then can we defeat fascist China.

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