Qian Renzero
17:43
Can the working class only develop political consciousness and carry out mass revolutionary struggles under the condition of political freedom?
Can the proletariat immediately establish a socialist republic after overthrowing the bourgeois dictatorship without passing through a democratic republic as an intermediate stage?
In a capitalist country where the proletariat has no freedom of speech and association, how to prepare for a socialist revolution?
Please answer these questions.
Answer:
1. Does the working class only have political consciousness under the condition of “political freedom”?
Answer: Not at all.
If political freedom is a prerequisite, then:
- Tsarist Russia could not produce the Bolsheviks;
- During the Anti-Socialist Laws period in Germany, the workers’ movement could not develop;
- In semi-colonial and semi-feudal China, the Communist Party could not emerge.
Vladimir Lenin, in “What Is To Be Done?”, has already clearly pointed out:
The working class can only develop proletarian consciousness through spontaneous struggle, and cannot spontaneously develop socialist consciousness.
Political consciousness is not cultivated by political freedom,
but is formed through exposure in oppression, repression, and revolutionary organization.
Despotism does not prevent consciousness; on the contrary, it often accelerates class antagonisms.
The real question is not “whether there is freedom,” but:
Whether there are revolutionary organizations conducting systematic political exposure and theoretical indoctrination.
2. Is it necessary to go through a democratic republic as a transition?
This question cannot be answered dogmatically.
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Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels’ evaluation of the Paris Commune has already clarified:
As long as the bourgeois state apparatus is shattered and a form of proletarian dictatorship is established, that is the beginning of the transition.
Historically:
- The February Revolution in Russia briefly established a democratic republic
- The October Revolution quickly broke through
The stage is not a necessary process to be completed, but a product of the class forces’ comparison.
If the proletariat has already seized the state machinery, then there is no issue of “having to go through the bourgeois democratic stage again.”
The key is not the form of the republic, but:
Who holds the state machinery.
3. How to prepare for revolution in a country without freedom of speech and association?
The answer is very clear:
- Establish underground organizations
- Strict discipline
- Systematic political exposure
- Theoretical propaganda
- Unify class contradictions against the entire system
Legal space is not a necessary condition for revolution.
Revolution has always grown within restrictions.
4. Analysis of Qian Renzero’s ideas
Now, let’s focus on the key points.
Qian Renzero raised these three questions, which itself shows he is thinking about strategic issues, which is positive.
But from the structure of the questions, it is easy to reveal a petty-bourgeois tendency:
Tendency of condition theory
Repeatedly emphasizing “whether there is political freedom” and “whether a certain stage is necessary,”
possibly hiding behind:
Waiting for conditions to mature, rather than actively creating conditions.
One of the most typical ideas of petty-bourgeoisie is “waiting for the situation.”
Tendency of stage dogmatism
Overly obsessed with “must go through a certain stage,”
instead of analyzing the specific class structure and force comparison of the country.
This easily slips into bookishness.
Tendency of abstract theorization
If discussions stay at an abstract level, without delving into:
- Organization building
- Political exposure
- Cadre training
- Underground work preparation
Then theory becomes mere mental gymnastics.
5. Suggestions for Qian Renzero
If I were to speak directly to him, I would say:
First, do not understand revolution as a product of waiting for political freedom.
The task of revolutionary organizations is not to evaluate whether “ideal democratic conditions” are met,
but to build their strength amid oppression.
Second, do not fall into stage formulas.
Analyze your country:
- Bourgeois class structure
- Nature of the state machinery
- Size of the working class
- Peasant issues
- Imperialist dependence
Stages are specific analyses, not memorized formulas.
Third, focus on practical organizational tasks.
The real important questions are not:
“Can we?”
but:
“What should we do now?”
For example:
- How to conduct political exposure
- How to train underground cadres
- How to establish a core among workers
- How to study theory
Fourth, overcome petty-bourgeois hesitation psychology.
The most common faults of petty-bourgeoisie are:
- Liking to discuss revolutionary conditions
- Reluctant to undertake long-term arduous organizational work
The true revolutionary attitude is:
No matter how bad the conditions, organizations must exist first.
6. Summary
Qian Renzero’s questions can be summarized in one sentence:
Does revolution depend on objective political conditions?
The Marxist answer is:
- Objective conditions are important
- But subjective organizational strength is equally important
- Revolution is never something that waits to happen
If he can turn these questions into:
How to strengthen political exposure, theoretical propaganda, and organizational discipline?
then his thinking will elevate to a higher level.
If he only stays at the level of “whether conditions are met,” then he needs to be alert to petty-bourgeois condition theory.