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You asked this question very well. In fact, the issue you mentioned has existed in many countries throughout history. When Lenin was addressing the problem of the Russian Revolution, he also discussed this background. In reality, this reflects the stage where socialism and the workers’ movement are separated, and likewise, it also reflects the stage where intellectuals and the proletariat are divided.
Students have both advantages and disadvantages. Their advantage lies in the fact that they are constantly oppressed while in school, especially in reactionary revisionist countries like China, where Confucian ideas still dominate severely. Therefore, the oppression of students is particularly intense. During this oppression, students demand to oppose such oppressive systems, and because they have more free time and more knowledge, they often seek ways to escape oppression through various channels in the realm of knowledge, and they find Marxism. However, the disadvantage of students is that their stance is problematic; most of them are detached from labor, dislike labor, and rely on the labor income of others—be it from family or other sources—to sustain themselves, living a parasitic and exploitative life. In this parasitic life, they are very free and lax, forming small-bourgeoisie competitive or collusive relationships with other students. In such life, they only see their immediate interests and relationships around them, with very narrow horizons, which makes them selfish. Students are active as members of the petty bourgeoisie, and their thoughts are heavily influenced by the bourgeoisie. Therefore, their worldview is based on bourgeois individualism. Due to this stance and worldview, although students have the opportunity to contact Marxism, they do not truly believe in it. They may dress themselves up as Marxists or supporters of Marxism, but they will not truly become communists with self-sacrifice, selflessness, and dedication to others. They will not, like the proletariat, give up all private property and personal interests to fight for the happiness of others and the liberation of all humanity.
On the other hand, the so-called working people, that is, the laborers, also have a complex composition, with many being petty bourgeoisie. Overall, the proletariat in China today has not awakened to class consciousness; they see themselves as petty bourgeoisie. The influence of petty bourgeoisie ideology among the proletariat is very strong. Among them, there are two types: one is accustomed to such oppression in capitalist employment, finding beauty in oppressed life, serving as subordinates. They continue living like this without thinking about resistance or struggle. The other type is closer to the proletariat in thought; they do not oppose struggle but often engage in struggles against capitalist oppression. However, their activities are limited to economic struggles and have not risen to the level of ideological or political struggle. Moreover, they lack sufficient access to Marxism, thus becoming isolated from socialism.
This is the current stage in China, a stage of separation between socialism and the workers’ movement, similar to what happened in Russia, Germany, and other countries in history. It is also a stage where intellectuals and the proletariat are isolated from each other. Now, we must pass through this stage, break the isolation of intellectuals and the proletariat. The fundamental way is to simultaneously address the shortcomings of petty bourgeoisie intellectuals and the proletariat. For petty bourgeoisie intellectuals, they must transform themselves through labor, integrate into the masses of workers and peasants, actively engage in ideological struggle, and achieve proletarianization—completely transforming their stance and worldview. They should abandon all private property and private notions, becoming people who are dedicated to benefiting others without self-interest, truly embodying self-sacrifice as communists. In this ideological struggle, we must eliminate all petty bourgeoisie or bourgeois ambitious elements who seek to use the revolution for personal gain.
On the other hand, we must also overcome the shortcomings of the proletariat. For the proletariat, the most important task is to instill Marxism in them, expose them to various political revelations, and help them see the profound reasons behind social phenomena, understanding the relationships among different classes in society and their respective stances. They should learn to view social and historical development through the lens of historical materialism.
When Lenin discussed what to do, he actually mentioned both points, but he emphasized how to overcome the shortcomings of the proletariat and how to elevate spontaneous workers’ movements into conscious communist movements.
Our association should also do both, but what we should focus on more is proletarianizing petty bourgeoisie intellectuals because we have not yet established a revolutionary Marxist organization like Lenin did. First, such a revolutionary organization must exist, with revolutionary-minded intellectuals willing to revolutionize, so that we can then carry out the second step—instilling Marxism into the working class.
All kinds of leftist circles online, whether denying ideological struggle or engaging in fake ideological struggles, are essentially for their own personal or small-group interests, using the Marxist banner to gain fame, status, and to cover up their decayed parasitic lives. They are often unaware of the real problem—that is, the separation of socialism and the workers’ movement—or, if they are aware, they are unwilling to solve it due to narrow class interests. The traitor groups that spread rumors and slander us day and night are exactly like this—they refuse to give up private property and private notions, oppose proletarian discipline, and oppose ideological struggle for the proletariat. They conduct Marxist ideological struggles against us, spread rumors, and claim we are leftist extremists, even fabricating stories to slander our leaders’ personal integrity. They often mix half-truths and falsehoods to attack us. Ultimately, their resistance to proletarianization and Marxist ideological struggle touches their way of life, their desire to retain private property and private notions. Such people will not disappear; as our association grows, as the proletarian revolution develops, and as Marxist ideological struggle deepens, these people will continue to increase and emerge. In the future, we will also face external attacks from bourgeoisie, opportunists disguised as Marxists, and internal slander from traitors.
But can we say we are communists if we have never been slandered by reactionaries, never been attacked by reactionary united forces? Although various leftist circles attack each other, they all point their spears at us, and in this opposition, they are very united, which already proves our correctness. We never bother to mention or fight with any particular leftist organization online; we only need to focus on the problem we are currently solving—the separation of socialism and the workers’ movement—and devote all our efforts to solving it.
As long as we continue to struggle, our fight will surely succeed, and millions of just people will join our righteous cause. Our future is bright. We will definitely win because we are right!
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