The following is an article published by an online journal suspected to be related to the “French Maoist Communist Party,” with machine translation rough editing; the content may not be entirely accurate. The reason for opening a new thread is partly because the old thread’s topic does not quite match the content below, and partly because I plan to update the situation of fascistization of French imperialism in this new thread, using real examples to disillusion some liberals who believe in bourgeois democracy or those who are still unaware of the truth.
What is the current situation of class struggle in France?People’s Cause
July 19, 2025
The nationwide mobilizations and “social movements” are commonplace in France, especially in spring. Therefore, every spring, we can always see some activists waiting for the next movement; and when no movement occurs, they feel that nothing has happened. This view is more wrong than ever!
They have made a mistake: blaming their laziness and lack of mobilization responsibility on the masses, placing themselves above the masses, as if they understand the situation better than others. Although there is no “large-scale movement” in France at the moment, anyone who lives and works with the masses knows that their anger is enormous, and a boiling atmosphere indeed exists. They are ready to fight. So why has there been no outbreak? Since 2023, we have been asserting that there is an uneven development of revolutionary situations across the country; let’s see how the current situation looks.Explaining the two opposing sides of this movementWhen we observe the bourgeois camp and the people’s camp, we say they are like “two mountains” confronting each other. Although these two mountains are affected by the international situation—because France is an imperialist country exploiting oppressed nations, and the trend of war among imperialist countries is intensifying—the main driving force comes from within, namely the contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. This contradiction embodies the revolution and counterrevolution, the so-called “two mountains.”
For the bourgeoisie, we will briefly analyze, as we have analyzed them multiple times. Their political crisis over the past year has evolved into a regime crisis, forcing them to adopt direct repression measures. They attack all organized forces, as Lenin said: “The ruling class cannot maintain its rule unchanged; a certain crisis of the ‘upper class,’ that is, the political crisis of the ruling class, creates a bursting gap for the anger and dissatisfaction of the oppressed classes.” They seek to suppress all discontent and prevent it from expressing itself because they know that in France, this would escalate into large, violent demonstrations against the bourgeois state. Therefore, they attempt to strengthen the fortress called “Republic,” whose foundation is crumbling. They use the name “Republic” and the form of bourgeois democracy to oppose democratic rights and the rights of the people.
On the other hand, as an imperialist country, class struggle in France is relatively intense. In recent years, many globally notable fierce struggles have occurred, and until 2023, their intensity was widely recognized worldwide, especially in Europe. But since then, no demands have been resolved; just regarding pension issues, the Retirement Guidance Council (Conseil d’Orientation des Retraites) has recently issued a report recommending raising the retirement age again. All this happened while 90% of French society—not just the proletariat—opposed the original plan forcibly passed two years ago. The number of impoverished people has approached 11 million, wages have stagnated, and protests against large-scale layoffs and the reckless actions of the state are intensifying on the streets and in communities. According to a report released in June, even with extensive use of sick leave, resistance to the capitalist work order is expressed in various forms.
However, it must be seen that since the second half of 2024 until now, the situation has been relatively stable, mainly due to issues of political leadership within the masses, which has led to all the secondary reasons preventing the outbreak of the state: fear of mobilization, division of the masses into isolated groups, and feelings of powerlessness at individual and collective levels. In revolutionary movements and progressive forces, if there is an anti-encirclement when facing repression, it is because there is first an encirclement. And encirclement is not the weak attacking the strong; on the contrary, it is the strong attacking the weak. Therefore, the weakness of the revolutionary movement lies in this: even if it is growing relatively, when facing a bourgeois state with a long tradition of counterrevolution, it remains tactically weak.The current situation is extremely favorable to revolutionariesBut stability can only be relative and temporary, which is very important. The class struggle in France has not regressed or slowed down: it is brewing for a new leap. The further development of the old bourgeois state machinery paves the way for a reactionary wave against all organized forces. This inevitably means that the next large-scale social movement will be characterized as a crime. This will have a strong organizational impact because there are only two paths for organized forces and the masses: either obey the state and accept its order; or break with imperialism and choose between realizing socialist revolution and compromising with French imperialist society. Revolutionaries must learn from this and remain sober on this issue, developing their movement.
When we oppose the repression of the bourgeois state and demand the realization of democratic rights in demonstrations and trials, does this mean we have any confidence in this decayed state that is estranged from the masses? Does it mean we trust its laws and institutions in the slightest? Of course not! Lenin once said: “We support the democratic republic because it is the most favorable form of state for the proletariat under capitalism, but we must never forget that even in the most democratic bourgeois republic, the people cannot escape the fate of being enslaved by wage slavery.” Therefore, when defending democratic rights, we do not see them from the bourgeois perspective as some magical faith, but from the proletarian perspective, demanding that these rights be concrete: you say freedom of speech exists in France? Let us express our views on Palestine! You say assembly and organization are free in France? Then stop large-scale disbandment of organizations! Only by uniting with progressive and democratic forces can revolutionaries break through the encirclement imposed on them.
But this does not mean that their decayed bourgeois democracy must be saved through a “republican” wave of political organizations, unions, and groups united against reactionary forces. On the contrary, we must widely promote slogans defending the rights of the people, demanding the implementation of democratic rights stipulated in the French constitution. We must tirelessly explain and demonstrate at every turning point that their so-called democratic system is actually a monopoly dictatorship, always depriving us of every right. Therefore, the only way to ensure that “social achievements”—even the most basic democratic principles—are long-term consolidated and strictly implemented is what the Peruvian Communist Party teaches us on rights: “Let us fight for a new state; only revolution can freely and permanently guarantee the rights of the people, which they have fought for with blood, while the bourgeoisie merely writes them into the constitution or into their so-called ‘Magna Carta.’ But as long as the ruling class remains in power, these rights will not be respected; they are just empty words on paper, like burned paper, useless to the people and only beneficial to the exploiters.”
Therefore, it is clear that even if the police are increased, even if arrests and trials are intensified, the uprising of the masses in France cannot be suppressed for long. But without advancing the process of rebuilding the advanced class organizations, without organizing spontaneous revolutionary violence across the country, and without forming a truly people’s rights defense—an extensive united movement to expand and uphold the democratic rights denied by the bourgeoisie—the uprising cannot succeed. This is the most important task for all revolutionaries in France today. Only socialist revolution, through developing the strength of the class and the dictatorship of the proletariat, can realize this program, ensuring victory and the rights of the people until society is freed from classes, the state, and exploitation.Original link:
https://www.causedupeuple.net/2025/07/19/ou-en-est-la-lutte-de-classes-en-france/
https://redherald.org/2025/07/24/la-cause-du-peuple-what-is-the-current-state-of-the-class-struggle-in-france/Background: 【旧闻】法国：造反有理！
The original title was “Where is the class struggle in France?” When “Red Vanguard” published the English translation on July 24, it changed to the current title. The content below was machine-translated from the original French by DeepL, with some parts revised based on the machine translation results of the English version and the original text.
I didn’t expect that in France in 2025, there would still be such small-scale armed activities; no wonder the article only mentioned the absence of large-scale ones.
Original French text: https://www.causedupeuple.net/2025/09/23/10-09-et-apres-lutte-des-classes-et-quartiers-populaires/
English translation: https://redherald.org/2025/09/28/france-10-09-and-beyond-class-struggle-and-popular-neighborhoods/
The changes brought by September 10 and 18 exceeded the expectations of some. As we pointed out in other articles, through collective analysis of the current situation and historical experience, new forms of struggle have emerged. Certainly, this transformation is not yet complete, and therefore its political potential has not been fully realized—after all, new things need time to establish their position. One almost unnoticed significant event is the mobilization within working-class neighborhoods—manifested through mass demonstrations in Rennes, Limoges, and Lyon. In Lyon, responding to the call of the Citizens’ Mutual Aid and Solidarity Committee (CPES), at least 400 residents of the “American” neighborhood paraded in a fighting stance to express their resistance to Macron’s political line and the entire system. On the 18th, protests erupted again in that district, leading to harsh police repression and arrests. In the “Kennedy” neighborhood of Rennes, residents mobilized similarly, and in Limoges, they participated in blockade actions.
We must recognize: on one hand, the bourgeois state abandons working-class neighborhoods (destroying non-profit organizations, disrupting social life, closing schools, etc.) under the guise of “fighting drug trafficking” through militarized control (using violence methods intolerable in other regions), and destroys public housing through so-called “renovation” policies, attempting to gentrify these neighborhoods. We also see opportunist left-wing politicians exploiting neighborhood issues to gain votes—those politicians who claim to represent these communities solely because of their background, offering nothing beyond victimization and votes. These seemingly contradictory phenomena are actually parts of the old political system of the bourgeois state—comprising its direct or indirect agents, and those who consciously or spontaneously serve it; we must acknowledge this.
On the other hand, there is a small group of young communists determined to live, work, and struggle alongside the masses because the masses are the creators of history. It is this grassroots work, based on the concrete problems faced by community residents and mobilized through activism, that makes it possible to gradually organize workers, mothers, and youth by raising political awareness. Most importantly, what determines success is not just this practice—often mistaken for non-profit or charitable activities—but the political line it upholds. Only a proletarian, class-struggle-based line—carrying the fight for power, politicization, and organization of the oppressed—can fundamentally distinguish itself from all non-profit or charitable activities; here, we face a fundamentally different enterprise. These communities are part of the proletariat; while they have their specific issues, the main problem remains the question of power, just like anywhere else. The vast majority of workers in these neighborhoods are manual laborers and employees, but there is also a small bourgeoisie—due to their material and social conditions, most stand on the side of the proletariat.
It is undeniable that at certain times, mobilizations in working-class neighborhoods have occurred, even on a large scale, but their goal was only to improve living conditions, not to fundamentally transform society; they pursued reformist policies rather than revolutionary ones. For forty years, the slogan has been “Listen to us, we are truly French citizens, eager to integrate into society.” In the face of reactionary repression launched by the state and waves of criminalization of neighborhoods, the current situation has ultimately worsened compared to forty years ago. Billions of funds injected into non-profit organizations have achieved superficial progress but have only cultivated dependent groups for municipal and state interests—groups that have never addressed the root causes of the problems, their existence predicated on constantly emphasizing the communities’ particularities. We often hear disillusioned old activists say, “These communities have their own history, their own life, their own existence,” but what does this political stance imply? Does it deny that these communities’ residents are part of the French proletariat? This is a trap set by reactionaries, and we must break free from it. The fight against the atomization of the working class especially means protecting ourselves from the imminent threat of fascism. Without a unified policy, the working class cannot strike back against the bourgeoisie. Only a communist policy—this only just policy—can avoid the traps set by reactionaries around “difference.”
A group of young people—mostly lighter-skinned and non-Muslim—has historically decided to break with the past life, which is a key feature of the initial phase of proletarian reorganization. France’s situation, with its uneven revolutionary development, can no longer satisfy itself with false debates; it must find a way forward through revolutionary practice. These young people realize: in struggle, gender, religion, skin color, and culture are secondary factors; foresight and respect are enough to prevent these factors from becoming dividing lines. The issues indeed exist, as in other places, and are diverse, but the primary task is to unite around a common policy—defending our rights as residents and as part of the proletariat. Introducing issues that currently exist but are not yet addressed by the masses will be counterproductive and lead to leftist excesses. Women are the main drivers of the political revival of community activism, and in the face of lies and illusions, this fact is of great significance. African and Arab youth will become the main force of national revolutionary change. They are already an important force in the struggle. The key point is that all workers in the country face the same fundamental problem: an oppressive bourgeois state, and the same solution: socialist revolution.
Implementing differentiated policies in communities will only fuel reactionary forces. Upholding the proletarian line means moving toward unity and solutions. Therefore, we know that there is only one path to truth. The clear dividing line exists between: the camp pursuing class-based policies, and those attempting to exploit neighborhoods and their residents—whether from the right or the left. The demonstration in Lyon gathered four hundred workers, mothers, youth, and elders, holding clear revolutionary slogans, which is the strongest weapon against social reaction. We must resist fascism through this approach, not by occupying the town hall. These elements clearly show that the socialist revolution is returning to the forefront nationwide, uniting the most oppressed classes with the growing communist movement.
Original French text: https://www.causedupeuple.net/2025/09/23/la-lutte-demasque-toujours-les-beaux-parleurs-les-trotskystes-collabos-et-les-trouillards-permanents/
English translation: https://redherald.org/2025/09/29/france-the-struggle-always-exposes-smooth-talkers-trotskyist-collaborators-and-permanent-cowards/
In the circle of radicals, accompanied by various organizations, stories, and splits, we are long accustomed to the recurring scenes: a mobilization is launched, only to suddenly disintegrate; an organization is dissolved, its leaders quietly exit and disappear; rumors and hidden scandals circulate everywhere, people slander each other behind the scenes, yet pretend to be the best friends...
But occasionally, there are delightful surprises that break the stale routine of the radical circle! For example, [when two youth organizations join hands to carry out a major joint project](https://www.instagram.com/reel/DO3yAelAmkV/)—rebuilding the <strong>Communist Youth League</strong> and calling on other youth to do the same, uniting based on principles rather than factions.
Of course, sometimes less pleasant surprises occur. In this jungle, a few widely observed rules still prevail. For instance, one golden rule is: never inform on the state, and never cooperate with the state against any mass mobilization. Even the most opposing organizations do not do such things. They only publicly express disagreements over strategies, viewpoints, or actions. They have every right to do so, which is harmless; it simply reminds us who are the true revolutionaries and who are not.
But when one organization openly accuses another of participating in a specific action, especially when the state is monitoring these actions and trying to suppress them, there is only one word to describe this attitude: accomplice! Veteran readers will remind us: for some, this has been an old tradition for over eighty years... Thus, on September 8, 2025, under the wise pen of Lisa Magnare, the "Continuous Revolution" organization [Translator's note: a French Trotskyist group, part of the Fourth International (TF-FI), directly led and funded by the Argentine Trotskyist party Socialist Workers' Party (PTS)] issued a statement on its official website:
"For this reason, we believe that these minority actions are on the wrong path—for example, [the 'CROUS action' we have already discussed](https://www.revolutionpermanente.fr/Repression-et-austerite-a-Paris-8-actions-minoritaires-ou-reconstruction-d-un-mouvement-etudiant) [Translator's note: actions initiated by students against the French university public service office], or the mobilization at the end of last year supporting the '93 District Housing Struggle Collective' (Collectif Combat Hébergement 93), which was claimed responsibility for by [the Revolutionary Youth League (LJR)] (https://www.causedupeuple.net/2025/05/15/saint-denis-luniversite-paris-8-en-revolte-contre-lexpulsion-des-meres-isolees/) [whose activists at Paris 8 University belong to the Student Union Federation (FSE)], and which their newspaper 'People's Cause' called a victory for students and a manifestation of 'revolutionary violence', organized with 'fire extinguishers' to 'loot' the administrative offices of the school. First, such actions hinder the process of rebuilding a strong student movement; the movement should play a decisive role in facing the authoritarian offensive of the government, the rise of the far right, and the tightening of policies that involve youth in preparation for war and in the genocide in Palestine, but these minority actions cannot achieve that."
"'Continuous Revolution' not only reports political actions and alliances (based on what evidence? An article criticizing protests?), but also targets this newspaper. What is the purpose of such acts? Do they disconnect from social reality and class struggle to the extent that even widespread repression is considered harmless? Do they have no principles? The facts have spoken for themselves; we will never forget."
In 'People's Cause', we unite with all those who sincerely fight for their principles, regardless of their ideology. That is why we report these combative political actions. But we also firmly uphold our principles. We believe that the actions of revolutionary students are correct—they are the way to break the capitalist-liberal consensus that suffocates universities under heavy oppression. Reactionary university administrations, student unions, and opportunists are all part of the same system, the same wall that must be knocked down. 'Continuous Revolution' has already broken away from opportunists and joined the reactionaries.
It is worth noting that those "quasi-militias" always ready to disassociate themselves from others also play a special role: that of radical talkers. Like merchants selling magic potions or elixirs, they loudly proclaim at every rally that they hold the grand blueprint for a "general strike."
But ladies and gentlemen, a general strike is a strategy, and an extremely serious one. It cannot be announced casually, nor decided on a whim at a rally. You are surely familiar with Engels, who in 1873 explained this: he criticized the Spanish Bakuninists for calling for a general strike without preparation, and after the strike "succeeded," they merely sent workers to the battlefield to die. Their actions not only failed to overthrow capitalism but also forced the working class to retreat, calming the situation—precisely what the bourgeoisie loves to see.
Could this be what those talkers are truly aiming to create? Let everything descend into chaos with no change, making it easier for them to continue claiming that the masses are not ready, and to prepare for the next elections, or consider establishing a more democratic Sixth Republic...[Translator's note: France is currently the Fifth Republic]. As is well known, at Paris 8 University, "Continuous Revolution" splits the rally and disintegrates collective unity, only allowing issues directly controlled by them to pass. It must be clarified that these tricks are becoming increasingly blatant. They do not care about collective democracy; they openly trample on voted resolutions. Deep down, they believe they are the ones who truly understand revolution, while the masses are just ignorant and dull-witted mobs. These clone-like petty bourgeois cowards, full of clichés, are utterly disgusting!
And look at the demonstration on September 18: they pulled away and led some people at the North Station rally, but when the police launched a charge, they chose to flee, leaving middle school teachers and students to be beaten by police batons. When facing the police, they didn't even protect banners bearing slogans. We assert: this is not the right way to rebuild a revolutionary movement, nor can it cope with the "authoritarian offensive of the government, the rise of the far right, and the tightening policies that involve youth in preparation for war and the genocide in Palestine."
Meanwhile, just a short distance from the Trotskyists' "showing off," activists from the Revolutionary Youth League (LJR), Revolutionary Youth (JR), and the Student Union Federation (FSE), facing the police, demonstrated the path to enlightenment by refusing to run away.
The struggle will always expose those who are hypocritical, perfunctory in actions, and poorly prepared tactically. Because when facing police charges, you abandon banners, allowing slogans with "such grandeur" and "such radicalism" to be torn apart... what else can we expect?
You, who refuse to fight, these cowards who flee at the slightest wind, these hypocrites who publicly denounce others and cling to power without ever fighting—how can we believe a single word of your hollow rhetoric? A true struggle will cause your masks to fall, revealing the haggard, terrified faces of those eternal cowards behind them.
More related content has not yet been proofread for machine translation (the “People’s Cause” website was inaccessible a few days ago). Here are the two that were reprinted by “Red Pioneer”.
Reporting by bourgeois media:
"People's Cause"
July 28, 2025
https://www.causedupeuple.net/2025/07/28/sur-le-gouvernement-de-la-dette-et-la-marche-a-suivre/
This news fell like a guillotine—the bourgeois monopoly group and the puppet Belou of trusts, on July 15, 2025, proposed their austerity plan, aiming to make the proletariat and the broad masses pay for the capitalist crisis. Social security, paid leave, unemployment benefits, working hours, social relief—everything the working class and labor masses have won through arduous struggle will be thoroughly wiped out to shift the capitalist economic machine into wartime mode, preparing for the impending imperialist war. As sovereign debt becomes unbearable【33,000 billion euros, 116% of GDP, 9.5% of the budget (debt repayment: 55 billion euros!)】, the bourgeoisie has no choice but to accelerate its social destruction plan. This attack will affect the entire life of the broad masses (proletariat and petty bourgeoisie). Firefighters are actually arsonists, and no one holds these culprits accountable. Whether left or right political pawns, they succumb to the interests of money power, selling public interests cheaply to the parasitic few who are opportunistically making huge fortunes. Widespread and uncontrolled extravagance, nepotism, and corruption have made the entire political machinery—from top to bottom— bloated and fat. The taxes collected from labor, that is, from the exploitation of workers’ public funds, have long been squandered and will continue to be so.
In his speech on July 15, 2025, Belou clearly stated: the only way to save the French imperialist regime is to undertake the heavy task of rearming and prepare for future global colonization wars. After outlining the disastrous fiscal situation in fifteen minutes, his first emphasis was: all of this aims to strengthen the military machine. He explicitly stated, “We can only rely on ourselves,” while stressing that this cannot be done without the European Union (because French imperialism is too weak to fight alone like the U.S.). This clearly indicates that the struggle among imperialist powers will intensify, and French imperialism will participate fully. Currently in a financial crisis, France is unable to expand its military significantly (and thus cannot actively participate in the anticipated imperialist war), and will lose standing in front of imperialist countries like Germany. The only solid basis for France to maintain some influence is its military power. In the coming decades, all policies will be dominated by this.
The “Debt Stop Plan” is nothing but the comprehensive implementation of austerity policies, destruction of public services, and the sale of state assets and the last batch of state-owned enterprises to purely private interests. The disgusting clause about healthcare reveals the bourgeoisie’s anti-people nature even more: they believe patients must be responsible for their illnesses and pay the price themselves. This is “double punishment”—people must endure pain and be pushed into poverty. Of course, there is no mention of the labor conditions causing 70% of the French to suffer at work, nor any link between the health of the masses and the food they eat or the air they breathe. Sick leave is merely a form of labor resistance against capital; in an era when the working class is disintegrating and losing organization, it is the only way workers can protect their physical and mental health. This is the revenge of the rich against the poor—they still resent the concessions made to resistance movements (note: “la Résistance,” referring to the French Resistance during WWII led mainly by the French Communist Party). The decaying imperialist machinery of the bourgeois state will intensify oppression of the proletariat through the so-called “Anti-Fraud Plan”—in which the only ones accused of “fraud” are the people, while we know well that the biggest black holes in state finances are tax evasion and financial fraud by the wealthy (annual tax evasion reaching 80-100 billion euros).
As for the “Production Advancement Plan,” its essence is only one: increased exploitation of workers by capital. Its goal is to make workers work at all costs to maintain profit rates and rearm. The so-called “reconciliation of the state and labor” is merely submission to capitalist demands. Belou’s mention of “labor” is actually “capital,” which is the core of the confusion created by bourgeois language among workers; workers must seriously study Marxism. We must discuss production relations; labor—the act of production—is collective, yet all wealth creators are subject to capital, controlled by those who deprive them of their means of production. This relationship drives class struggle, and Belou’s support is not for labor but for absolute capital—an elite of tightly organized parasites plundering collective wealth. The hidden agenda behind this is: the complete abolition of labor laws to “liberate labor,” allowing capitalists to fully exploit workers. A key point he barely mentions is that workers (which we also call capitalists) will no longer pay for social security, which will trigger an intense class struggle. This is a return to the social value-added tax, aiming to make “consumers,” not employers (whose wealth comes from exploiting workers), pay for social security. This measure has already begun to be implemented through the “net social amount” on pay slips, effectively reducing subsidies for the minimum wage. Moreover, unemployment benefits will become virtually extinct; we will continue to pay for them but will not benefit from them.
Clearly, we are facing naked, open, violent capitalist dictatorship, oppressing and exploiting workers. This is a real war against the only wealth-creating group—the working class and laborers. It is an attempt to roll back history, which must not be tolerated. Belou tries to justify this extreme reactionary plan based on Germany’s experience but forgets that this happened 25 years ago (during Schröder’s SPD government). France is not Germany, and the times are vastly different. Over the past 40 years, the broad masses have experienced a hellish fall, with everything gradually being destroyed. The social struggles, strikes, and resistance of the past 30 years have successfully thwarted the plans of the big bourgeoisie many times. The situation has changed, and responses must change accordingly.
The true and sole responsible parties are the monopolistic enterprises, trust companies, and parasitic large corporations exploiting the proletariat in France and worldwide. Shouldn’t everyone be reminded? According to the Senate Committee, over 211 billion euros flow annually into “corporate aid” without regulation—meaning they flow into monopolistic enterprises and the bourgeoisie of monopolies—these are the real parasites of our country. These monopolies, by deindustrializing the state, privatizing large state-owned enterprises, and selling them off to more powerful imperialist forces, have destroyed the production system. These parasites, with all their strength, suppress the development of society, culture, and science. Of course, this is only part of the problem; the issue goes far beyond “finance”: it is fundamentally a question of regime.
All this is not about showing strength but about admitting weakness, because what we are talking about is the necessity for monopolist capital to destroy the peace established during the period of liberation, which was based on compromises. This compromise marked the failure of revolutionary and progressive forces, which once held power under the leadership of the armed Communist Party. In fact, all our achievements are thanks to the armed resistance movement led by the Communist Party (De Gaulle’s supporters refused to participate). Although politically defeated, the resistance successfully implemented some measures from the “Happy Days” plan of the National Resistance Council (CNR), which was later incorporated into the rebuilt bourgeois state.
The root cause of the crisis is not a financial problem but the very operating mechanism of society itself—the relations between social groups and classes: on one side, the proletariat, which has nothing but its labor to sell for survival; on the other, capitalists, who control the means of production, and the state, which serves them to continually reproduce capitalist rule. Politics reflects the contradictions between these two major classes of society; that is its essence. Politics is far from the hypocritical parliamentary debates, election dramas, and political rhetoric; it truly exists within corporate boards, salons of Paris’s upper class, and stock exchanges. The conflict between these two social groups is class struggle, which can only be resolved when the proletariat defeats the bourgeoisie. All this is reflected in the struggle to seize the bourgeois state, aiming to replace it with a proletarian state, transforming the state from serving parasitic few who do not work into serving the majority of producers. The bourgeoisie has found the best system to rule in the liberal democratic republic, but in times of crisis—as we see now—principles are subordinate to practical needs. Therefore, the key is which class controls the state; the form of government or regime type is not crucial. This means that any so-called “radical” left government will not fundamentally change the relations of production. As Lenin said:
“People have always been victims of political deception and self-deception, and they will remain so until they learn to see which class’s interests are hidden behind words, declarations, and promises.”
Therefore, this is a historic turning point, marking the end of the era of labor-capital reconciliation and the re-emergence of socialist revolution. The ghosts of civil war, which terrify the bourgeoisie (i.e., revolution), have returned, confirming what Karl Marx said after the June 1848 events: France is divided into two irreconcilable nations—the exploiters and the exploited. Clearly, in the face of objective reality, any so-called “leftist” or reformist stance is just another retreat. The tightly organized, resolute, and resentful bourgeoisie is launching an offensive, pushing us toward a third world war—Europe will still be the main battleground, and the children of the proletariat will pay the price. We refuse to let workers become victims and tools of production, without the right to lead the state—using the words of Ducrot, who was then a communist. Our task is to develop tools more advanced than bourgeois states, repression, and military power, first stabilizing the situation—restraining the bourgeois offensive—and then counterattacking.
The task of revolutionaries, sincere democrats, and progressives is, rather than understanding the situation, to change it. Empty words like incantations cannot change anything. The only effective method is diligent work day after day in factories, communities, and universities to develop revolutionary core forces, with the sole goal of rebuilding the Communist Party to lay the groundwork for the labor’s counterattack against capital.
In this chaotic period, the organization, determination, and fighting spirit of revolutionary forces are prerequisites for counterattack. Discipline and wholehearted self-sacrifice are the foundation for preparing for future major battles. At this critical moment in history, we must not spare or hold back our strength. Puppet politicians manipulated by trusts know well: everything will lead to chaos, and there are no means other than violent repression, as other levers of corruption or bribery no longer exist. In the face of this situation, we must stand up and fight back with the utmost resolve. It is a matter of great importance: all mass movements lacking political leadership will be stranded by their contradictions and foster defeatism—we need victory!
Huge struggles are inevitable, not only on the streets but also within various organizations, starting with the French General Confederation of Labour (CPT). Union leaders will have to take a stand; any capitulation will cause huge upheaval among conscious proletarian union members. For unions, Belou’s plan is a disaster for the major union leadership (for the French General Confederation of Labour, it is reformist leadership), as they must clarify which side they stand on—even though this has been obvious for decades.
Youth will be at the forefront of this historical process. They must choose whether to stand on the front lines of class struggle or the front lines of imperialist war—fighting against Russia in the decaying trenches of Poland or Ukraine. One front will liberate humanity, the other will destroy it. Disrupting war mobilization is a historic necessity, transforming it into revolutionary momentum.
For the upcoming critical moment, we can now declare: this presidential election will no longer be just a farce like in the past. We will raise the political level of the class so that everyone recognizes the true and only opposition—the party that refuses bourgeois dictatorship, advocates rebuilding the Communist Party, and represents the proletariat and the broad masses. We will more firmly strengthen proletarian internationalism and build a global revolutionary organization because, in the era of imperialism, our problem is humanity’s problem, and its solution is closely linked.
Monopoly capital【monopoles: monopolies, monopoly enterprises, ChatGPT translated as “monopoly capital,” but a better translation is probably “monopoly bourgeoisie.” The “capital” in various places above may be similar. —Translator’s note】is openly waging war against the people, preparing for wars between nations (guerre entre les Peuples). Our response will be class war to end wars among peoples (guerre entre les Peuples).
This can be considered a brief recap. Next, I will prioritize proofreading an article about the reasons why mass movements were discouraged. I couldn’t find the source of Lenin’s words immediately; searching directly for the quotation in the original French text yielded no results, so I don’t know if it was adapted.
“People’s Cause”
September 20, 2025
https://www.causedupeuple.net/2025/09/20/sur-le-18-et-la-necessite-den-finir-avec-lintersyndicale/
The firm determination and boiling atmosphere of the 18th are completely different from those of the 10th, forcing us to reconsider the necessity of the September movement. The predicted situation has indeed occurred: the September movement merged with the union alliance, which took control of the leadership of the movement. Worse still, this naturally benefits the state. In fact, this is reflected in the radicalism and combativeness of the movement being undermined, and the movement being redirected into the traditional dead end of “mobilization days”—that is, reaching consensus with the bourgeoisie. We pretend to be fighting, you pretend to listen (or turn a blind eye), as long as the state continues to invest millions of funds to buy social peace, we will keep doing so. This “social peace” imposed on us by revisionists—opportunists—is nothing but a graveyard peace. How many lives have been devastated by the destruction of labor laws and our social rights? How many have died or been disabled due to the reckless exploitation of the proletariat? If our great union alliance surrenders, how many more lives will be sacrificed on the altar of austerity policies? Surely tens of thousands (deaths on construction sites, deaths due to poor medical conditions, suicides, alcoholism, overdose, depression, domestic violence, miscarriages, infant deaths, etc.). We are talking about a large-scale crime, for which the perpetrators will eventually have to pay the price.
The movement on the 10th was shrouded in auspicious signs, even the police chief sensed the danger approaching—the radical faction within the French General Confederation of Labour (CGT) forming an alliance with a grassroots, organized, and especially struggle-born political movement poses an urgent threat. Although historical responsibility demands that the CGT naturally form an alliance with the September movement, the leadership chose to join forces with all anti-worker, pro-capitalist unions—namely, the Christian Democratic faction of the French Democratic Confederation of Labour (CFDT), and of course, the so-called “FO-CIA” (Force Ouvrière—Workers’ Force). These organizations serve the bourgeoisie’s divide-and-conquer strategy, taming the proletariat to serve the historical goals of capital. Dogs sleeping with cats, everything is chaos (original: Quand les chiens couchent avec les chats rien ne va. It’s a French proverb, but I couldn’t find a ready translation; this is DeepL’s machine translation, and GPT says it means “Forcing incompatible people together inevitably causes trouble.” — Translator’s note).
First, let us review what the union alliance essentially is in the concrete practice of class struggle in France. At first glance, we can only praise the unity of various union forces defending the working class, but in reality, this alliance is evolving into a systematic trap that harms all social movements. It is both a tool for collusion with the bourgeoisie and a systematic instrument to cause the failure of the proletariat. It was established as a union movement against communists, thus inherently anti-proletarian. It shackles the CGT with surrenderism, which naturally aligns with the leadership’s intentions, allowing them to officially shirk responsibility for each failure. Most importantly, we must not undermine this wonderful “worker solidarity” for fear of being labeled “Red Fascists.”
The battle over pensions fully demonstrates that this mechanism’s efficiency exceeds all expectations. The fighting spirit of the masses was extremely high, and just as the movement began to break through the consensus framework with the bourgeoisie—so-called “mobilization days”—the union alliance once again capitulated. We keep reliving the shameful declaration of December 8, 2018, when the union alliance called on Macron to intervene. The result was immediate: deaths, disabilities, imprisonments, and a historic defeat for the working class, with exploited proletariat paying an additional thousands of lives as the price.
Today, the union alliance is effectively endorsing Prime Minister Le Courné, supporting “the king’s facts,” openly opposing democracy. It can pretend to oppose the far right, but in fact, it is serving the far right. Naturally, these “respectable” leaders claim they “don’t do politics”! They secretly negotiate with government officials representing the bourgeoisie, or directly with capitalists in those so-called “debates”[1], of course, none of this counts as politics, just “guildism.” Conversely, forming an alliance with the mobilized people— the only real force—would be called politics, which is “not good.” We have every reason to fear which side these gentlemen will stand on when dark times arrive.
Ultimately, the problem is that guildism itself is fundamentally wrong, whether it is “reformist, negotiation-based” guildism or self-proclaimed “class” or “revolutionary” guildism: ultimately, they all sail on a sinking ship called “collusion.” They view the proletariat and the political situation only through the extremely narrow lens of current guildism. We are haunted by the terrifying ghost of the Amiens Congress (note: the Amiens Congress was an anarcho-syndicalist gathering that adopted the Amiens Charter, advocating for union independence from political parties and depoliticization)—this is an inherent flaw of French guildism. We are haunted by the “Grenelle Agreements” (note: reformist proposals made by the French bourgeois government during the May Storm to quell mass protests) and the shadow of state absorption, we are haunted by the shame of December 8, our bodies fed to the bourgeoisie—history calls for rupture.
The reason why the CGT was once strong and powerful was not accidental—it was when there was a true Communist Party. Those who see this as merely a historical coincidence are completely mistaken. Unfortunately, the betrayal of socialism by long-standing political parties has led us into political and moral collapse, and we have only just begun to emerge through class struggle. Now is the time to organize core communist forces within factories and unions, push a resolute political line, support the proletariat in seizing power, and undertake the mission of rebuilding the glorious French Communist Party. This is a monumental task requiring patience, selfless dedication, and deep class feelings—but it is an urgent task today.
The CGT is in good shape, but it lacks political leadership—the Communist Party—to once again become that powerful force with millions of members. The class needs leadership.
The movement is still ongoing, and revolutionary forces must break the consensus of the union alliance, shake up the situation to intensify the crisis, and make everyone bear their responsibilities. We cannot accept that the current social movement supports the stability of the regime (helping to maintain order). Le Courné and Macron must step down; currently, there is no minimum program to speak of.
GPT: The “(d)” in “les (d)ébats” is a satirical notation. débat (debate) → (d)ébat suggests “ébat” (play, erotic play), implying these “debates” are actually “games” or “tricks.” ↩︎
"People's Cause"
August 21, 2025
https://www.causedupeuple.net/2025/08/21/a-partir-du-10-septembre-troublons-lordre-public/
On July 15, 2025, the monopolistic bourgeoisie— the true rulers of this country— deeply immersed in an endless economic crisis (most notably the financial crisis)— through their spokesperson François Berru, decided to launch a fierce offensive against the proletariat and the working people. We recommend reading “On the Debt Government and Its Forward Path” to fully understand the new situation.
Within just a few days, the idea of nationwide lockdown starting September 10th began spreading on social networks, then expanding into the media monopoly sphere, making this call increasingly popular. Meanwhile, many gatherings are being prepared as mobilization activities. Although these places are chaotic, they hold genuine democratic significance and must become the political expression of mobilization efforts to resist opportunistic behaviors aimed at seizing the movement through vulgar electoral purposes. Their organization at the national level will be a prerequisite for truly politicizing the movement—that is, making it touch on the issue of power. Moreover, collective organization will also serve as the foundation for resisting repression.
We are not here to analyze the various calls emerging online but to see through the essence of the events and understand how to respond to this brewing movement of justice. We will not analyze whether a large-scale movement might occur, because even if not on September 10th, it will happen sooner or later.
The first noteworthy fact is that all kinds of calls carry progressive, democratic demands, profoundly expressing the people’s wishes, far from reactionary rhetoric and polls focusing “political debate” on “immigration, social violence, the need for a stronger state to punish criminals.” We see that the carefully planned large-scale propaganda manipulation over the past twenty years is now entangled in the contradictions of the real world—the class struggle responding to the social crisis has now been put on the agenda.
Of course, those extreme reactionaries, clumsy conspiracy theorists, or potential true fascists, have once again pulled out the same old clichés—claiming this is a government-manipulated conspiracy to divert “the people’s” attention from the “genuine uprising” of Yellow Vests. These gentlemen attempt to deny the essence of the Yellow Vest movement—regardless of its form, the movement is fundamentally democratic and seeks social justice.
Another fact is that, in an era governed by a ministerial group lacking legitimacy, a puppet parliament, and a presidential figure chosen by the wealthiest classes, resistance has never been so justified. We must add that the legitimacy of resistance is more crucial than ever, as we face the complete destruction of workers’ rights and democratic rights, and more seriously, the resurgence of militarism pushing us toward a new world war.
Therefore, now is the time to resist, but resistance cannot rely on tools of the bourgeois dictatorship, especially not on parliamentary action. We will never support the parliamentary actions of “Unbowed France,” because they are ultimately meaningless. Lenin already said that defending democratic rights cannot rely on reformists but only on revolutionaries. Reformists only undertake so-called reforms when the financial elite still deigns to share a few crumbs; today, the rich are no longer willing to share even a crumb. Only revolutionary methods, through mass mobilization and awakening, can expand democratic space in the fight against the state machinery and create the possibility for revolutionary politics. It has been proven that parliament—regardless of its political color—is gradually destroying all political and democratic rights gained over the past decades. Nearly every month, new laws restricting citizens’ fundamental rights are enacted. For years, the movement defending Palestine has faced the criminalization of political speech, and attacks on organized activities have become routine. In times of crisis, the state of emergency has become the norm; in response, the people can only respond with equally extraordinary measures.
This means that the most important thing is that only a revolutionary mass movement—actions that break through the framework set and permitted by the state—can stop the bourgeois offensive. Any collective action to succeed—at least to stop the government’s anti-people plans—must necessarily be based on so-called “disruption of public order.” We must understand the so-called “public order” as the order of the bourgeoisie, financial powers, and large corporations, which is not public at all but entirely private. The existence of the state is to maintain the private ruling order of a minority over the majority; therefore, it can only be called a bourgeois state. The state is merely a tool of the ruling class— the class that controls the means of production— and has no other nature.
Similarly, only by disrupting capitalist production order can strikes succeed. Major trade unions bear a heavy responsibility and must respond to the workers’ resistance against capital. Any strike should be coordinated with factory occupations, making the stoppage truly political. Any betrayal again will bring dangerous consequences to union leadership; the era no longer tolerates forgiveness and forgetfulness.
Undoubtedly, as taught by past great social movements: the key to struggle is blocking logistics. Since all goods transportation relies on roads and railways, blocking transportation must become the core strategy of the movement.
An important task is to mobilize the most oppressed social groups, especially the people in impoverished neighborhoods. They are the key force driving social movements toward revolutionary development. So far, we have missed many opportunities, but the situation has clearly changed, as revolutionaries are maintaining daily actions in several impoverished districts in France. The most exploited classes are the true guarantee of the movement’s democratic direction.
Youths must become the vanguard of the movement, pouring their youthful enthusiasm into radical collective actions. Blocking universities and high schools must be a basic strategy to expand and radicalize the movement, generating the strongest resonance nationwide. Occupied spaces are always important bases for any mass movement. Continuous mobilization of youth will help the movement overcome lows, and their awakening and struggle will also promote political awareness and participation in families.
From a broader perspective, a large-scale, diverse, uncontrollable, and uncooptable long-term mobilization will destroy the 2027 election farce from now on and pull back all professional politicians to the real world. It’s time to make them realize they are worthless; only the masses can create history.
Therefore, we have only one slogan: disrupt public order, block everything, organize to迎接历史时刻，让胜利开启新的政治可能性。客观形势非常有利：总统备受憎恶，政府仅靠国民联盟（RN）的恩惠才得以维持，而国民阵线不过是“秩序党”的附庸；此外，即便议会明天消失，恐怕也无人察觉。全国局势紧张，群众怨声载道，正是趁热打铁的时候。因此，关键在于社会中最坚决的力量的主观行动，这要求所有人撸起袖子，使10日成为一场大规模起义的开端，其最低目标必然是推翻可憎的马克龙政权，迫使总统下台。
"People's Cause"
August 29, 2025
https://www.causedupeuple.net/2025/08/29/bloquons-tout-premiere-victoire-avant-le-commencement/
The movement on the 10th had not yet officially erupted, but already exuded a sense of history, not only because it was organized in an orderly manner before it even started, but also because it forced everyone to take sides and make a statement — this was the first time! Unions, political circles, radical organizations, and most importantly, the people, were all forced to choose sides over what initially seemed like a simple idea. But when the ideology aligns with the truth of the era, it transforms into a powerful force! The “Block Everything” movement received the trust vote from the proletariat and the masses, gaining their strong support. The program elected by the people’s vote is finally about to be realized. Therefore, the news that the Prime Minister announced a trust vote in the National Assembly shocked everyone. However, this was merely a clumsy posture in response to the upcoming movement. It was precisely the “Block Everything from September 10” movement that led to Berlu’s downfall. The Prime Minister’s plan was simple: a storm was rapidly forming, and whether willing or not, a powerful and diverse mass movement was about to erupt. To overcome the difficulties, at least the support of the National Assembly was needed. Berlu’s gamble failed; he not only failed to stabilize the situation but also worsened the crisis of the regime.
All of this powerfully proves the highest truth: the masses are the creators of history! When the masses organize, no force can stop them. Only they can transform the entire world.
This is the first time that the call for mass mobilization changed the situation before protests even began on the streets. According to French tradition, such movements usually brew during the dull “social new year” (la rentrée sociale, GPT says: “Refers to the period when labor, political, and social life restart after the summer vacation, often when the workers’ movement re-energizes.”) and only truly erupt in October or even November. But this year’s situation is completely different: since July, dozens of groups have formed organizational structures not only online but, more importantly, in the real world: more than seventy mass meetings have sprung up across France, gathering tens of thousands of people. These meetings aim to systematically organize the 10th movement and its subsequent actions, making them grand and vigorous. Although these gatherings are diverse in form, they all reflect a strong collective will and a pressing demand for action, especially a desperate pursuit of true democracy.
This movement is entirely different from the “Yellow Vest” movement, with a much higher level of organization because in recent years, the masses have accumulated rich experience in class struggle. It is fundamentally democratic and social in nature, with the core debate centered on political strikes, and there is currently little tendency for ideological confusion. It must be pointed out that the current situation is entirely different from the period of the “Yellow Vest” movement; all parties will attempt to seize political capital from this movement. “Unbowed France” (FI) eagerly rushes toward this emerging movement, trying to opportunistically build its base among the masses. The reaction of the National Rally to the 10th movement reveals the nature of this brewing movement: it cannot oppose it, or it will become disconnected from its base; nor can it openly support it, because it claims to be a “law and order party.” This despicable stance exposes the deceptive essence of this opportunist party. The National Rally is merely an old right-wing party that would sever ties with the masses once in power.
No matter how you look at it, the crisis has fundamentally intensified. The bourgeois regime has never been so anti-people, so hateful, and so illegal. Under the manipulation of the elites, the media has intensified its propaganda, filling our cognitive space with terms like “security crisis,” “immigration out of control,” “invasion,” “barbarization,” and spreading fierce “anti-progress” propaganda. The bourgeoisie enforces its singular worldview in increasingly brutal and vulgar ways, destroying the so-called “democracy—freedom contract,” attempting to divide the proletariat and the masses. But this is futile, because the real division in the country lies between the rich and the poor. The proletariat and the masses are more educated and more conscious than ever; they have learned to discern their true interests through the great struggles of the 20th century. Class struggle has not been harmed by division; on the contrary, it unites everyone under the common program: “Block Everything!” The intensification of class struggle awakens people’s consciousness and wisdom because it forces women and men to collectively organize and discuss real issues. Politicians, intellectuals, and journalists believe their lies and have a highly biased understanding of French society. They think that elections or polls can reflect the truth, which is doomed to be disconnected from reality. Pascal Praud and the like are merely vile clowns serving the elites, typical representatives of this corrupt transformation. When the culture of “court intellectuals” is so low, it indicates that the end of the ruling class is near. The bourgeoisie has reached the end of its road in history and needs subjective forces to overthrow it.
In fact, society will increasingly split into two types of people: one that organizes itself to fight, and another that hopes to maintain the status quo and legitimize social disasters through elections. This is precisely the divide between the “left” and the “right.” The official electoral farce is a thoroughly anti-democratic act because it cannot meet the fundamental needs of the majority of the French people. People demand more hospitals, schools, housing, better working conditions, and higher wages, but they are responded to with “veils,” “Arabs,” “police,” and “prisons.” Such crude methods can only be tolerated during sharp class struggles; then society will be purified. When that time comes, the real problems will surface, and lies will melt away like snow under the sun.
The truth of our era is: “63% of people support this movement, 26% oppose, and 11% are indifferent.” We see that when manipulation and deception are exposed, the masses most desire social justice, democracy, and respect. Further observation shows that the willingness to advocate for blockade actions mainly comes from civilian voters (“Unbowed France” and “National Rally” supporters). We can be sure that the large abstention group also broadly supports this movement.
In this context, the bourgeoisie may feel uneasy; they have every reason to fear the imminent chaos within the country. The broad masses refuse to pay for the crisis and will express their stance. The government’s harsh austerity measures to stabilize the financial situation are entirely borne by the working class.
The elites are desperately trying to avoid chaos, but this precisely indicates that chaos contains positive forces. For the bourgeoisie, chaos means street fights, factory strikes, traffic jams, and protests, and what they fear most is the collective organization of the masses. All of this is collectively called class struggle. This is the true politics — the conflict and struggle between two opposing classes. This movement will witness the collision of two forms of democracy: one is parliamentary democracy, i.e., bourgeois democracy, where the parliament is merely a carefully woven lie, and the people have no power; the other is the democracy of mass assemblies, where the people collectively decide the future that belongs to the majority through action.
“Block Everything” will be of historic significance because it will witness the concrete emergence of a political organization of a class — the proletariat — that will end all classes. What we are talking about is the scientifically organized proletariat, whose goal is always bright communism, and whose means is socialist revolution. One thing is certain: under the organization and guidance of proletarian ideology, we can curb the offensive of the bourgeoisie and change the course of events. This era does not have the inevitability of fatalism; it is magnificent and will witness the robbed being robbed.