Editor’s note: Comrade Ke Qingshi’s article mentions many experiences regarding ideological struggle, which greatly help our current ongoing ideological struggle, and is therefore published for the broad user base to study.
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Riding the wind and breaking the waves, accelerating the construction of a new Shanghai with socialism!
——Report at the second session of the first Shanghai Municipal Congress of the Chinese Communist Party on December 25, 1957
Ke Qingshi
December 25, 1957, Shanghai
【Original】 Editor’s note: Although most of Comrade Ke Qingshi’s report concerns the situation and problems in Shanghai, the nature of these situations and problems, especially in the first and fourth parts of the report, has universal significance. In the first part of the report, Comrade Ke Qingshi, according to the instructions of the Central Committee, analyzed and clarified in detail the main contradictions within the country, the contradictions among the people, and their correct handling. This part also discusses the evaluation of the work in 1956, criticizing the mistaken view that all work in 1956 was “over-ambitious,” and demonstrating the correctness of the policy of building the country with more, faster, better, and frugal efforts. This is worth everyone’s attention. The fourth part of the report analyzes the ideological state of party cadres, proposing important measures such as promoting revolutionary vigor, eliminating bureaucratism, implementing labor training, deepening grassroots work, connecting with the masses, and cultivating red experts who are both loyal and professional.
Comrades delegates!
According to the agenda adopted by the congress, the main topic of this meeting is to discuss the current situation of our work, and to discuss and decide how the Shanghai party organization should rectify conduct and improve work.
Part One
Second
Since April of this year, during various large-scale criticism and praise campaigns, millions of criticisms and opinions have been raised within and outside the Party (many of which are repetitive). These criticisms and opinions include criticisms of various levels of Party organizations and cadres, and also many criticisms of our Municipal Committee and its leaders. Criticisms of Party organizations and cadres at all levels are actually criticisms of our Municipal Committee. Except for those belonging to the attack by bourgeois rightists, the vast majority of these criticisms are well-intentioned, correct, or basically correct. Although some are not entirely correct, and even most are incorrect, this is only due to issues of understanding, not malice. These criticisms help us understand many things we usually do not know, understand the psychological state of the critics, and see more clearly the overall picture of our work, which is still beneficial. For all comrades and friends inside and outside the Party who have made sincere criticisms to help the Party rectify its work, the Municipal Committee expresses sincere thanks.
The criticisms from the masses, thousands and thousands, overall, are about asking us to eliminate bureaucratism, sectarianism, and subjectivism in our work, organization, and style. Everyone knows: bureaucratism, sectarianism, and subjectivism are all detached from the masses and reality, all hinder our comrades’ progress, hinder our unity, and hinder the advancement of our cause, and are incompatible with the fundamental interests of our Party and the people. Our Party, first, is not afraid of imperialism; second, is not afraid of domestic reactionary forces; third, is not afraid of hardships in the fight against nature; but it fears detachment from the masses. Detachment from the masses will inevitably lead to detachment from reality. When the Party and the people are closely united, there are invincible enemies and impregnable fortresses. But if we do not eliminate shortcomings like bureaucratism, sectarianism, and subjectivism, we cannot unite all possible forces, and we cannot move forward smoothly. Moreover, if these flaws are not corrected, they will continue to develop and may even be deadly. The Marxist-Leninist, proletarian ideological style developed through struggle against non-Marxist, non-proletarian styles. Our Party is now a politically mature, great Marxist-Leninist Party, and no deviation can overthrow it. But this does not mean, and cannot mean, that individual Party members and organizations will be overthrown. The rectification movement is precisely to help all comrades who truly wish to fight for the cause of communism, to be armed with Marxist-Leninist, proletarian thought, to defeat non-proletarian, non-Marxist styles, and become strong fighters for communism. By fighting current shortcomings and mistakes, our comrades can learn lessons, gain immunity, and greatly improve our ideological and work levels. The rectification movement of 1942 prepared the conditions for our victory in 1949. The rectification from 1957 to 1958 was to prepare the conditions for the thorough and comprehensive victory of our socialist revolution and socialist construction. Therefore, we must be bold, resolute, and thorough in our actions; boldly reform, resolutely reform, and thoroughly reform.
The opinions raised by the masses during the rectification can be divided into three categories: first, issues in work; second, issues in organization; third, issues in style.
The main points of the masses’ opinions on work are as follows:
(1) Criticism that some comrades have lacked enthusiasm since the second half of 1956. Some major tasks, initially loud and vigorous, later became faint, and some even had no follow-through. They said that when the policy of speed, quality, and savings was proposed, there was enthusiastic propaganda at first, but then nothing followed; the implementation of the Great Leap Forward, the conservation movement, and the forty-point plan for agricultural development started vigorously but later slackened, blown away by some cold wind.
(2) Regarding some cadres emphasizing business first, believing that “business is politics,” not reading newspapers, not reading books, not caring about national affairs, only managing business without political concern, and on the other hand, some political workers in the party-mass system talk about politics without studying business, even refuse to learn or seek progress, the masses are dissatisfied. In recent years, due to some cadres not seriously studying their work, the quality of certain industrial products has declined or stagnated, being surpassed by other provinces, and workers and consumers have opinions about this. As for individual comrades who are indifferent to both business and politics, they are even more criticized by the masses.
(3) The insufficient seriousness in implementing the policy of thrift for national construction, enterprise management, and all undertakings, and the indifference to serious waste phenomena have also caused dissatisfaction among the masses. The wastefulness in many units is indeed astonishing. Fudan University’s biology department raised a batch of dogs for student experiments, building a “dog palace” with elaborate facilities, comparable to the elephant house in Xijiao Park. Meilin Canned Food Factory workers exposed that since 1954, the factory had wasted 450,000 yuan, about half of its current working capital.
(4) In the political-legal front, the previous implementation of the central’s anti-reaction policy achieved great results, but some cases were mishandled with rough and simple shortcomings. However, some leaders in the political-legal departments, when correcting these flaws and errors, also made the mistake of being overly lenient. The old legal viewpoints still exist seriously among some staff.
(5) In cultural and educational work, there is insufficient emphasis on improving teaching quality; the goal of cultivating the working class intellectuals lacks clear objectives and specific measures; long-term relaxation of political ideological work among youth.
(6) Regarding the socialist transformation of capitalist industry and commerce, after joint ventures, there was some relaxation, and special attention was not paid to the need to combine enterprise transformation with personal transformation.
In addition, many opinions have been raised in specific work of various departments, such as production management and cadre work. These need to be addressed in rectification.
The second category is organizational issues. The main shortcomings in organization are as follows:
(1) Bloated institutions. To meet the needs of socialist construction, in recent years, some agencies have been added, some institutions expanded, and some staff supplemented, which is necessary. However, some leaders do not base their decisions on actual needs, leading to bloated agencies, overlapping levels, and too many non-production personnel. For example, in the port construction projects, our city has four port construction units, forming a “four-horse split” situation, with limited projects, wasting many human resources. Penglai District has only five fruit shops with eleven employees, yet it established a district store with three cadres, all with nothing to do. The bloated institutions and overlapping levels also foster bureaucratic styles that detach leaders from the masses and reality. Many leaders are detached, spending most of their time on reports, meetings, and documents, rarely going deep into the grassroots to understand conditions and help solve problems. This phenomenon is criticized as “top-heavy and shallow roots.”
(2) The relationship between centralized unification and division of responsibilities is not sufficiently coordinated. Between Party, government, and mass organizations, there are phenomena where leadership should be unified but is not, and where responsibilities should be divided but are not; between departments, there are coordination issues, and responsibilities are shirked; between upper and lower levels, there are issues with excessive interference or lack of unified command.
(3) Leadership over grassroots work remains weak. Sometimes, there is excessive control, and the role of grassroots organizations is not fully utilized. Especially, political support for grassroots cadres is insufficient, manifested in over-delegation of tasks and little education on revolutionary situation, making cadres busy but unclear about the current political direction; after delegating tasks, policy education is also insufficient, making it difficult for cadres to grasp the essence of policies, leading to difficulties in implementation without timely support. Moreover, the work of rectifying grassroots Party organizations and purifying the ranks is not given enough attention.
(4) In cadre staffing, some cadres are not suitable for their roles or lack the ability for their positions, and have not been adjusted in time; many weak links, especially in the cultural and educational system, urgently need to be strengthened.
The third issue is style, especially the style of Party leaders. During the large-scale criticism and praise, the opinions on this aspect were the most concentrated and prominent. Among the 2,026,795 opinions from units involved in rectification across various systems and the Municipal People’s Committee and district agencies, over 50% concern leadership style. Opinions from 217 large factories with 310,000 workers also account for 35%. The main problems with leadership style are issues in the relationship between some Party leaders and the masses. The criticism from the masses about leadership style actually reflects their dissatisfaction with some Party leaders’ “official airs” that are somewhat detached from the masses. The rectification must first thoroughly eliminate this “official air.” The detachment of some Party leaders from the masses is roughly manifested in the following aspects:
Specialization in life: demanding better housing, furniture; higher wages, bonuses, subsidies; some cadres have not worked for years but still get promoted, living without difficulties, and often receiving subsidies. They do not follow personnel policies, open the door for favoritism, and introduce private contacts arbitrarily. They do not abide by organizational rules or labor discipline. Some leaders do not participate in branch life; some factory directors, Party secretaries, and cadres do not participate in trade unions. Although these phenomena are not widespread and are not very serious, they have a very bad influence. Not close to the masses, with a poor attitude: many criticize our Party leaders, including the Municipal Committee leaders, for rarely meeting with the masses, rarely visiting workshops, construction sites, fields, units, classrooms, and grassroots, and some say they only see us in newspapers. In some units, even the local leaders are hard to meet. Some leaders are not warm when they meet the masses, “hands in pockets, not even a smile”; some lack humility, are arrogant and condescending, full of official airs. The masses also criticize our leaders for only holding meetings and handling documents, sometimes only meetings all day long. Leaders cannot deeply connect with the masses, and many grassroots cadres and activists are often called to meetings, with little time to engage with the masses. Many activists, after joining the Party, become more distant from the masses. Party members only associate with other Party members, and the voices of the masses are not easily transmitted to the Party quickly, but the leaders do not see this as a big problem and do not help Party members improve their ties with the masses.
Lack of democratic style in work: some comrades rarely seriously discuss matters with the masses or consult with them, preferring administrative orders. When making decisions, they consider the leader’s subjective intentions more, analyze the opinions of the masses less, and do not unify both sides. Work is often assigned top-down, with little listening to grassroots opinions. When the masses have opinions on the work assigned by leaders, reasonable opinions are not adopted, and unfeasible ones are not explained or explained in a timely manner; unreasonable ones are not persuaded, and errors are not corrected. Some leaders speak to the masses with a commanding tone, which makes people afraid; over time, the masses stop speaking up. They think that their suggestions are useless and stop making them. Under such circumstances, the initiative of the masses cannot be fully exerted, and leadership becomes difficult and ineffective.
Careless and procrastinating in handling affairs: many problems that should have been solved long ago are not addressed until criticized by the masses during the criticism movement. Especially, genuine hardships faced by the masses are not addressed in time, and concern for their needs is insufficient. For example, a piece of flooring in the Second Wool Spinning Factory’s Canvas Workshop was damaged by about a foot, obstructing production. Workers had raised opinions for years, but leaders ignored them until the criticism movement. On August 20, 1956, an agency requested a vehicle from the agency affairs management bureau. The document went through multiple approvals, from the director to the general affairs office, to the transportation section, and back and forth, taking two months and thirteen approvals, finally being filed away on October 22, without any real progress.
Why do these shortcomings and errors appear within our Party?
On one hand, this is due to the influence of old social habits, bourgeois and Kuomintang ideological styles infiltrating our ranks. Among the 267,000 cadres in Shanghai (excluding primary and secondary schools and public-private enterprises), about 80% joined after liberation. Of the 37,000 section chiefs and above, over 56% joined after liberation. They are new blood in our cadre ranks and have contributed greatly to work. However, most of them are not from the proletariat, have not undergone productive labor or severe class struggle, and still retain many non-proletarian ideological styles. Some old cadres have also developed arrogance and complacency, and have been contaminated with bad ideas and habits from the old society.
On the other hand, this is also due to our lack of experience. Our ongoing socialist revolution and construction are unprecedented in Chinese history. Although the Central Committee and Mao Zedong are adept at combining Marxist-Leninist universal truths with China’s specific revolutionary practice, for most of our cadres, there is a lack of experience or insufficient experience. Therefore, when implementing the correct policies of the Central Committee, deviations are inevitable, and recognizing and correcting these deviations in a timely manner is difficult.
As mentioned above, many shortcomings and mistakes reflect deficiencies in the leadership of the Municipal Committee. Overall, the Municipal Committee has implemented the policies of the Central Committee, but the shortcomings lie in the fact that they have not fully adapted the policies to the specific conditions of Shanghai cadres.Thoughts on practical education need to be repeated more often; when deploying major work tasks, there are issues of being too tight at the beginning and too loose later, sometimes tight and sometimes loose; during work, there is a lack of in-depth inspection of implementation, a focus on summarizing successes and failures to improve cadres and promote overall work, which is not done often enough. We are willing to make a firm decision to overcome these shortcomings together with everyone.
Three
It can be confidently said that although there are many opinions from the masses, most of them are entirely appropriate and can be corrected by our city’s various levels of party organizations themselves. The Water Fisheries College analyzed systematically the 3,404 opinions from the masses, of which more than 91% are either mostly correct or partially incorrect. Among these opinions, over 64% are immediately correctable, and about 20% are correct but require creating conditions to rectify, totaling over 84%. Very few require help from higher authorities, only about 6%; another 9% are impossible to do. The situation in other units is roughly similar. This is because most problems arise from faults in work and style; “the one who unties the bell must ring it.” As long as we make up our minds to untie the knot, the bell will come off.
The experience of the Luowan District Committee, the Transportation Bureau, the Housing Bureau, and the First Machine Tool Factory is the strongest proof. According to statistics from these four units, 19,000 opinions were proposed during the criticism and self-criticism, of which 73.4% have been resolved, 13.7% are being rectified, totaling over 87%. It shows that as long as there is determination, about 90% of problems are not difficult to solve.
For example, the public’s dissatisfaction with specialization—does it have difficulties in rectifying? If there are too many houses, too much furniture, just let them go; if rent is low, increase it appropriately; if private matters use public cars, stop using them; if subsidies are overpaid, return the excess; to prevent unfair or inappropriate treatment of living welfare issues, strengthen leadership and follow the mass line; some party members’ ranks are too high, lowering them appropriately automatically solves the problem (but avoid general rank adjustments). Isn’t this very easy?
Similarly, if the public criticizes leaders for being distant from the masses—does it have difficulties in rectifying? Compared to some of the problems mentioned above, it seems more complicated, but as long as everyone makes a firm decision, improves work methods, seriously streamlines meetings, directly investigates and researches among workers, peasants, intellectuals, and solves problems, it won’t be difficult. Once everyone goes down to the masses, gets the flavor, lengthy meetings will decrease, and necessary meetings will be better prepared and more effective. Old habits can be broken, new habits and new customs can be cultivated. If you see the masses with a “steel face,” isn’t it easy to change? Putting your hands in your pockets is annoying, just take them out; what’s difficult about that?
Many problems in work, many issues in implementing policies, and organizational structure problems may be even more complicated. But as long as we carefully study the central directives, discuss with the masses more when encountering issues, think more, act more, personally go down to check and summarize work, carefully compare and study good and bad typical cases of similar nature, gain direct experience in solving problems, and avoid leaving everything to secretaries or relying only on unreliable third- or fourth-hand materials, most problems will be solved.
Some comrades say: “Talking like this makes rectification seem too easy.” Actually, it’s not that rectification is easy, but as long as there is determination, it becomes easier. As the saying goes: “There is no difficulty in the world, only those who are willing.” The world’s affairs are only difficult if not taken seriously; if taken seriously, no difficulty can be overcome. Putting hands in pockets seems easy, but it’s fundamentally a matter of relationships with the masses. Taking an unserious attitude is just taking hands out of pockets, which obviously doesn’t solve the root problem. But if you take a serious attitude, not just taking hands out but starting from there, seriously strengthening ties with the masses, problems can be fundamentally solved. As for some issues that cannot be immediately resolved due to lack of experience or conditions, as long as a serious attitude is adopted, experience can be gained sooner, and conditions can be created earlier. In short, most problems can and must be solved by ourselves, only a few require central assistance. “We” here refers to cadres at all levels, including the party committee leaders. As long as we make a firm decision, we can boldly and resolutely make thorough changes.
Some comrades cannot make a decision because they mystify rectification, they haven’t prioritized or analyzed problems, only feeling that problems are numerous and not knowing where to start; secondly, because they fear difficulties, pain, the masses, or fear causing trouble for themselves; thirdly, because they lack the spirit of hard work and patience that Communist Party members should have, and they are unconvinced by the criticism from the masses, thinking they are doing right but the methods are poor, which leads to a lot of big-character posters. Some want to use formalistic methods to pass the rectification, but this is doomed to fail. Past faults and errors have not been corrected, old debts are not paid, and new debts are incurred. These debts are usurious, “donkey rolling,” compounded with interest, growing larger and larger. We advise these comrades not to incur such debts. Just analyze the opinions from the masses seriously, and you will have a “bottom” and confidence. As long as you adopt an honest and serious attitude towards the Party, the masses, and yourself, not superstitious about yourself, and believe in the majority of the masses, it will be easier to make a decision. With this determination, solving a batch of problems, comrades will taste the sweetness of rectification, feel relaxed, and realize that this lesson must be learned, and rectification must be thorough.
Of course, contradictions always exist. Old contradictions are resolved, new contradictions will arise, and problems always need to be continuously solved. But this thorough rectification has gained experience, and next time, when solving new problems, there will be more methods, greater confidence, and easier decisions. With determination, the correct methods are still based on seeking truth from facts and the mass line.
Leaders of various units should organize and analyze the opinions of the masses since the criticism and self-criticism movement began, formulate a rough plan, and clarify the steps of rectification. Because problems vary across units, the rectification plan cannot be uniform. Based on the situation of most units, since leadership style issues are more prominent, start with rectifying leadership style, beginning with changing sectarianism and detachment from the masses, which is more appropriate. On one hand, the public’s opinions on this are the most, accounting for about 35%–50% of total opinions; rectifying this first demonstrates the leadership’s determination to rectify themselves and encourages the masses to help lead the rectification; on the other hand, these issues are not too complicated, easy to rectify with determination, and quick to show results. Moreover, leadership style issues are fundamental and key; if this is well rectified, many problems in work, study, and life will also be solved. Experience has shown that solving these issues greatly improves the relationship between leaders and the led, party members and non-party members, party organizations and the masses, creating a good environment for further rectification.
After addressing a large number of leadership style issues, the work can gradually move into various special rectification topics based on existing problems in work and organization, tailored to different units. For example, combining cadre dispatching, strengthening grassroots and weak links, can first solve organizational issues; as rectification progresses, establish and improve democratic systems and expand democratic life; solve issues related to division of responsibilities, addressing those that can be solved locally first, and leaving those involving the entire city and central departments for later. This special criticism and self-criticism should be done step by step, but can also be cross-checked.
Criticism of wastefulness from the masses must be taken seriously. All agencies, enterprises, schools, and groups should allocate seven to ten days during the rectification process for a special criticism and rectification of wastefulness, so that the policy of thrift and building the country can be truly implemented.
With determination and planning, we must also resolutely rely on the masses, not just change behind closed doors but under their participation and supervision. Some units only discuss with a few leaders, hold closed-door meetings daily, which causes frustration and sleepless nights, and problems remain unresolved. When they change this detached-from-the-masses approach and discuss with the masses, everyone brainstorms together, and problems are quickly solved. Therefore, we must firmly follow the mass line and oppose bureaucratism with bureaucratism. To implement the mass line during rectification, leaders should report to the masses, announce rectification requirements and plans, criticize their own faults, explain the progress of the “simultaneous correction and rectification” stage, and call on the masses to actively criticize, participate, and supervise the rectification. The rectification report should be carefully discussed at the party committee meeting. Differences of opinion among committee members and between the secretary and other members should be openly debated; otherwise, the report will be weak and unable to inspire enthusiasm for rectification.
For issues that can be immediately rectified, they should be tackled in layers and batches right away, and the rectification progress should be publicly announced to the masses until most are satisfied. Any party members or cadres who are criticized should make a public explanation to the masses.
All rectification plans should be formulated based on the criticism and self-criticism movement and implemented under the supervision of the masses. Every rectification should fully utilize big-character posters, forums, debates, and can also organize inspection teams and plan groups to involve the masses. Combining leadership and mass participation makes plans more practical, and errors are easier to correct.
The rectification stage is also a process of self-education and mutual education for leaders and the masses. During criticism and self-criticism, understanding what is correct and what is wrong, and how to promote socialism or avoid harming it, is a training for both leaders and the masses. For example, one unit discussed abolishing specialization, and some proposed that leaders’ housing should be uniformly reduced according to egalitarian principles. After on-site investigation and realistic discussion, they corrected the over-privileged housing of some individuals and also corrected some people’s egalitarian ideas. This was much more effective than leaders criticizing egalitarianism directly. Therefore, all party committees must adhere to the mass line and learn to walk the mass line. Evidence shows that units that fully implement the mass line conduct rectification quickly and well.
Now, the truly resistant individuals to rectification are few. For those comrades with little resolve, afraid of causing trouble, they should be urged to participate actively in the struggle. For those who are arrogant and bureaucratic, they must be firmly urged to correct. For those who are not good at following the mass line, help them analyze realistically. Especially for a few party members unwilling to reveal their faults and errors, they must be helped to uncover them. This is the true way to help and care for comrades and promote their progress. We must understand: helping a comrade must be thorough, not just protecting their mistakes. When they are unaware, protecting them will only make them grateful later; but when they suffer big losses or improve their understanding, they will blame you for not helping them at that time. Helping them now to uncover problems when they are unaware will make them blame you, thinking you are making things difficult; but when they improve, they will thank you. We must not vulgarize comradeship.
During the rectification stage, each unit should dispatch some cadres, mainly to train them through labor, to strengthen the grassroots and weak links, and to tighten organizational structures, so that manpower can be fully utilized. These three goals are unified and inseparable, with great revolutionary significance. The most important is to make cadres who participate in physical labor have a correct view of labor and the masses, forming a cadre team that is infinitely loyal to the working people and capable of withstanding risks.
The above emphasizes issues during the rectification stage.
Based on the experience of the pioneering units, the entire city’s rectification movement should not be prolonged unnecessarily. Therefore, the Municipal Party Committee believes that units that have already begun or partially begun the rectification movement should continue to deepen the movement according to the central guidelines and policies, and complete the rectification tasks thoroughly. Units that have not yet started should actively prepare for the movement. All units (except medical institutions) should complete the rectification tasks gradually from January to June 1958.
The rectification movement in municipal and district agencies should be accelerated, aiming to complete most of the work by the end of February and all by the end of March, so as to free up resources to lead the rectification in factories, shops, and neighborhoods, and to send cadres from already rectified municipal agencies and large factories to assist. We must pay attention to grassroots units’ rectification, avoiding the neglect of small units as in past political movements, which led to their missing out on socialist education.
The completion time for colleges, scientific research institutions, and secondary vocational schools should not exceed the end of May. The rectification in primary and secondary schools should be concentrated during winter and summer vacations, with possible extension if necessary. Socialist ideological education for private and tutoring schools should also start in the first half of 1958.
The rectification and socialist education in the arts, journalism, publishing, democratic parties, industry and commerce, Han religion, and minority ethnic groups should be completed by the end of June 1958. The socialist education of workers in municipal transportation enterprises and public institutions should be completed by the end of May 1958. The socialist education of farmers should aim to be completed before the end of March 1958 to facilitate timely spring plowing.
After this meeting, each district party committee should comprehensively plan the rectification movement for industry, commerce, medical and health institutions, and primary and secondary schools based on the above arrangements. After the municipal agencies’ rectification phase, part of the force should be allocated from March 1958 to carry out socialist education among neighborhood residents, aiming to complete the neighborhood residents’ socialist education movement around June.
The rectification of the People’s Liberation Army units stationed in Shanghai will proceed according to the established plan.
Although the decisive victory has been achieved in the city’s anti-Rightist struggle, it has not been completely finished. We must continue the struggle to the end for a thorough victory. Units that have already begun or have not yet achieved full victory in the anti-Rightist struggle should combine the third and fourth phases of the nationwide rectification movement to deepen the anti-Rightist struggle. The emerging rightists must be fully exposed, and those exposed but not confessing must be thoroughly refuted and isolated. The anti-Rightist struggle is a major matter concerning the survival of the state. Our comrades must not be blinded by victory, relax their fighting spirit, or act carelessly. While preventing premature withdrawal and loosening, we must also prevent the tendency to abandon facts and reasoning in a rush to end the struggle, leading to oversimplification. Units that have begun criticism and have not yet discovered rightists must remain calm and vigilant. On one hand, after the major exposure in spring this year, even if some rightists remain, they are few. After a comprehensive analysis based on facts, if no rightists are found, do not conduct anti-Rightist struggle. On the other hand, although the remaining rightists are few and unlikely to appear in large numbers like in spring 1957, they still exist. Moreover, the situation of class struggle…起伏不定、曲折发展的，右翼分子现在不冒头，并不意味着将来永远不会向党进攻。因此，不能掉以轻心，要滋长太平观念。此外，右翼分子的处理问题，也必须在近期经过群众讨论，妥善解决。
关于整风中提出的需要全市统一安排的问题，如体制问题，精简机构、下放干部问题，加强基层领导问题，工资福利问题，贯彻执行“全国农业发展纲要（修正草案）”问题，人口问题，以及其他一些重要问题，市委根据各方面的意见，准备了几个报告和发言，请代表大会审议，不在这里重复。
四
我们共产党人应该是阶级觉悟最高、革命意志最旺盛的人。当资本主义看来还很强大的时候，马克思和恩格斯却看到了资产阶级的灭亡和无产阶级的胜利不可避免，看到了在社会主义革命中，无产阶级只会失去自己颈上的一条锁链，获得的却是整个世界。他们赤手空拳，百折不挠地为革命奋斗了一生。当列宁和他的同志们开始下决心在俄国实现无产阶级革命、建立社会主义社会的时候，他们只是人数不多的共产主义小组，但是到了1917年，他们终于领导了伟大的十月革命，创造了世界上第一个社会主义国家。当中国处在最黑暗的反动统治下的时候，中国共产主义者却在上海宣告中国共产党的成立，宣告共产主义必然在中国胜利。当蒋介石疯狂地屠杀革命人民，以为他的江山已经坐定了的时候，我们中国共产党却在井冈山升起了胜利的红旗。当时有多少人嘲笑马克思和恩格斯，嘲笑列宁，嘲笑中国共产党人，说他们是“白日作梦”。历史的发展却证明了，被嘲笑的不是共产党人，而是那些以为资本主义会万世长存的人们。我们共产党人讲究实事求是。实事求是的结果，证明了共产主义的胜利是历史发展的规律，谁也阻止不了世界向着共产主义过渡。因此，我们的革命意志不是来自空想，而是建立在科学共产主义理论的可靠基础上的。正因为把个人的命运同伟大共产主义事业联系在一起，我们共产党人就鄙视资产阶级个人主义。我们的党员不是普通的人，而是觉悟的无产阶级的先进战士，他应该成为自觉的阶级利益、阶级意识的代表者之一，因此他的个人利益完全不应该在党和阶级的利益之外突出出来。正因为如此，我们共产党人永远是乐观主义者，我们的革命意志永远是旺盛的，是任何力量所不能摧毁的。在阶级斗争中，在战争中，在需要牺牲自己的时候，我们视死如归；在同自然界作斗争中，在进行建设的时候，我们要请高山低头，河水让路。这才是我们共产党人旺盛的革命意志的表现。
就整个说来，我们上海党组织的革命意志是旺盛的，是有战斗力的。但是，从整风运动中暴露出来的情况看，不能说我们所有的干部革命意志都旺盛。根据粗略的分析，干部情况有以下三种：
第一种人，革命意志旺盛。他们在工作中积极努力，艰苦奋斗，努力学习，有上进心。他们在复杂的环境中，能够密切联系群众，开动脑筋，调查研究，钻研问题，苦思多想，不怕困难，任劳任怨，富于主动性和创造性。在这样的干部作领导人的地方，那里的工作一定会是朝气勃勃地比较迅速地向前发展的，虽然也有缺点错误，但比较容易克服。在那里，干部和积极分子的成长也比较快。
第二种人，能够工作，也不愿作坏事，但是缺乏发愤图强、顽强进取的精神。他们的特点是一般地能够完成党给他们的任务，可是墨守成规，很少有所创造。在工作中对政治不够关心，因而缺乏一种强大的政治动力。这些同志往往对于“经过努力本来可以做到的事情”，不愿意或不会去千方百计想办法，认真努力去做，一遇困难，就“认为做不到”，也就不去做了。他们中间有知识分子，自以为有知识，就不积极努力去同工农群众相结合。他们中间也有工农出身的同志，自己文化水平低，却又不积极努力学习。他们中间也有老干部，有一定的斗争经验，有一定的工作能力，但是因而自高自大，认为自己差不多了，也就不再积极努力提高自己的本领。他们中间有些同志有时也自觉到自己的落后，时有苦闷，又没有决心鼓起劲来干。因此，在他们担任领导工作的地方，工作改进迟缓，他们自己的进步也慢。
第三种人，个人主义包袱较重，思想上开始发霉。他们还是想作革命工作的，但是他们或者以为自己是老资格，或者以为自己有功劳，或者虽然不是老资格，却自以为特别有本领，常常把个人同群众、个人同党的位置摆不对头。他们对群众，自以为高人一等，官气冲天。他们考虑问题往往是把个人利益放在前面，把党和人民的利益放在后面。有的人只要有机会，就争名于朝，争利于市，争到一些就高兴，争不到就闹情绪。这些人对待工作，沾染了“官气”，照例办公，言不及义，对他个人的问题很有兴趣，对政治问题、工作问题、群众疾苦问题兴趣淡薄，好像不值得他认真关心似的。他们有时候也很积极，但多半是以个人得失作标准。个人主义的霉点，有时晒晒太阳，比如经过党和群众的批评教育就少一些；党和群众的监督稍为放松，就会继续发展。因此，他们如果不痛下决心，改正缺点错误，就有不能继续作共产党员的危险。
以上三种情况，只是就最突出的表现说的。第一、第二两种情况的人，在我们的同志中占大多数，第三种情况的人虽有一定的数量，但在干部中只占少数。当然，也有的人有时进步、有时落后，在两种情况之间摇摆，不很稳定。我们所以作这样一种分析，只是为了便于说明情况。希望更多的同志经过努力，不断进步，大家都成为革命意志旺盛的人。
此外，在整风中还揭露出一些党内右派分子、混入党内的坏分子、严重违法乱纪分子、不可救药的腐化堕落分子，有严重的资产阶级个人主义思想和行为、屡教不改的分子。他们确实是思想上政治上已经腐烂了的人，他们是什么性都有，就是没有党性，什么主义都有，就是没有共产主义。在他们看来，他们无负于任何人，倒是党和人民一百个对他们不起。他们经常胡作非为，利用各种机会损害党和人民的利益。这种人虽然在党内占极少数，但是往往为害很大。党在广大群众的帮助下，揭露了并且从党内清除了这些坏分子，这是整风运动的一个重要收获。
党的干部的这种种情况说明：我国正处在社会大变动时期，改造旧社会的斗争不可避免地反映到党内来。在社会上有过社会主义这一关的问题，在我们党内也有过社会主义这一关的问题。那些右派分子和其他坏分子过不了这一关，这已经为事实所证明了；另外一些同志，比如思想上开始发霉的人，能不能过这一关，也是一个值得他们加以思索的问题。
我们党的干部绝大多数对党对人民是忠诚的，他们早已立志为共产主义事业奋斗到底。他们中间的许多人经过了长时期斗争的锻炼和考验，在社会主义革命时期的表现也很好。他们对过社会主义这一关是有比较充分的精神准备的。但是，不能认为我们全体党员对过社会主义这一关都有了充分的精神准备。有些人，他们原来就是混进党内来的坏人，他们只想混过关去，现在被揭露出来了，混不过去了。还有些人，原来是抱着赞同我们党的民主革命纲领的态度来参加党的，一到同党走完了民主革命这段路，他们便不愿前进了。有一些同志虽然接受了社会主义革命纲领，但是由于骄傲自满，不认真研究中央的方针政策，不接近劳动群众，不接近基层工作，思想水平和工作水平总是提不高，在革命的大风浪中，有时被胜利冲昏头脑，有时又被胜利吓昏头脑。还有一些人，在新的条件下经受不住资产阶级思想的腐蚀，变成资产阶级个人主义、资产阶级阴谋手段和资产阶级生活方式的俘虏。
不能说党对这种现象没有发出过警号。党中央和毛泽东同志早就指出过，社会主义这一关并不是很容易过的。还在1949年人民民主革命胜利的前夕，毛泽东同志在党的七届二中全会上就警告过我们，要预防在资产阶级的糖衣炮弹前打败仗。毛泽东同志指出：“敌人是不能征服我们的，这点已经得到证明了。资产阶级的捧场则可能征服我们队伍中的意志薄弱者。可能有这样一些共产党人，他们是不曾被拿枪的敌人征服过的，他们在这些敌人面前不愧英雄的称号；但是经不起人们用糖衣裹着的炮弹的攻击，他们在糖弹面前要打败仗。”毛泽东同志这段话，虽然是就全国胜利后我们要遇到资产阶级的捧场说的，而实际的含义，也就是指明社会主义这一历史关头就要到来了，比较资产阶级民主革命的历史关头，对相当多的一些同志说来，是更严重的考验。因为我们在社会主义革命这一历史关头所遇到的对手是资产阶级。资产阶级不但可以拿糖弹、拿阴谋手段来打败我们队伍中的某些人，而且还可以凭它的广泛的社会关系，凭它同小资产阶级上层分子和小资产阶级广大群众中一部分至今尚未觉悟的人们一起对我们党的包围，凭资产阶级个人主义和资产阶级生活方式在社会上的影响，凭党内右派分子和其他坏分子在党内向党的进攻和腐蚀作用，征服我们队伍中的那些意志薄弱的分子，征服那些在政治上不坚定的共产党人。
大家知道，目前的国际环境和国内条件，总的说来，是有利于我们在十五年左右的时间内把我国建成为一个社会主义强国的。连英国的泰晤士报也不得不承认不到十五年工夫英国就要落在我们后面。但是，天下事要人去做的，在客观条件具备之后，成功和失败的关键，就在主观能动作用了。这就是我们不惜花许多时间来讨论革命意志问题的缘故。我们共产党人要做推动社会主义事业前进的促进派，不能做促退派。所以，必须时刻克服资产阶级个人主义的侵袭，保持旺盛的革命意志，为社会主义事业贡献出我们的一切，努力做一个无愧于共产党人光荣称号的好党员。为此，我们认为采取下列措施是完全必要的。
第一、必须通过整风运动和经常工作，认真地加强对党员干部的政治思想教育。
为了使所有的干部，能够胜利地过社会主义这一关，除了叛徒和严重违法乱纪分子之外，在整风运动中，党必须保护一切党团员，用大力用诚心帮助他们改正缺点错误。必须教育所有党员、干部一定要有朝气，一定要有旺盛的革命意志，一定要有大公无私、全心全意地为人民服务的精神。对所有党团员，要帮助他们改善工作方法，提高工作能力，提高思想政治水平。也就是说，必须使我们全体同志再经受一次深刻的实际的社会主义的锻炼，以适应社会主义革命和社会主义建设的需要。
在目前的着重整改阶段和即将到来的第四阶段，必须着重地反对官僚主义、宗派主义（包括地方主义和本位主义）和主观主义，同时还要彻底地批判右倾思想，批判个人主义、自由主义、无政府主义和平均主义，批判民族主义。对于革命意志衰退、消极落后的党员，也必须严加批判，重者还应绳之以纪律。对党内右派分子及其他坏分子，必须按照中央规定的原则和手续，同党外右派分子及其他坏分子一视同仁地严肃处理。但是对于一切受处分的人，也仍然要关怀他们，帮助他们进步。
总之，在这次整风中，每个党员都要从政治上、思想上普遍地进行一次自我检查。全民整风运动已被实践证明是一个发动群众、依靠群众进行自我教育和自我改造的最好方法。今后应按照中央指示，每年或每两年整风一次，以便保证我们党经常处于广大群众的监督中，永远不脱离群众，不脱离实际，永远朝气蓬勃地前进。
但是，我们知道，过渡时期是一个大转变的时期，革命形势的发展是日新月异的，干部的政治思想情况也在不断变化，所以，除了依靠整风运动外，更重要的是在平时认真抓紧干部的政治思想教育工作。应该认真组织全体干部学习时事、学习党的重大政策方针，并须深入地开展辩论，借以帮助干部深刻地了解当前政治方向和领会党的重大政策方针的精神实质；应该引导干部（特别是各级领导干部）把剩余精力主要放在钻研马克思列宁主义、丰富科学文化知识上；应该协助领导干部每年划出一定的工作时间，到先进工作单位参观，到邻近省区交流经验，借以取得生动的实际工作知识，扩大眼界，开拓胸襟。凡是政治生活不健全的地方必须健全起来；凡是纪律松懈的地方必须加强；凡是成分不纯的基层党组织必须整顿。
第二、要使全党所有干部，首先是领导干部，密切同基层群众的联系，密切同斗争实际的联系，借以不断地改造自己的主观世界。今后除了按照中央指示继续从工人、农民中的优秀分子中选拔干部外，同样应当从经过生产锻炼的、同劳动群众有密切联系的知识分子中选拔干部。根据“全面锻炼、统一安排”的方针，各级领导干部，都必须经过体力劳动和实际斗争的锻炼，取得基层工作的经验，缺这一课的必须补上这一课。凡是没有经过体力劳动和实际斗争锻炼、没有基层工作经验的知识分子干部和其他干部都应当到农村、工厂去劳动几年，或者到基层去做几年工作，真正同工农群众打成一片。 应当强调指出：这是一项重大的革命措施。只有认真地贯彻执行这个方针，我们才能够建立一支为共产主义奋斗的经得起风险的干部队伍。我们相信，大多数下放干部不但自己可以锻炼得很好，他们还会帮助党外同志也锻炼得很好。但是，我们也应当向下放干部说清楚，到农村、到基层去锻炼，这对每个同志本人来说是一个思想革命，没有充分的革命自觉和坚决的改造自己的决心，就不能收到预期的效果。多数人是自觉地下去的，他们迫切地要求下去，在得到批准以后，他们兴奋愉快地投入到火热的体力劳动和实际斗争中、投入到广大群众中去了。但也有些人不完全自觉，或者是带着一些不正确的思想下去的。比如说：“反正薪金照发，下去几年镀镀金再回来。”我们说：下去是可以锻炼人的，但结果如何，在很大程度上决定于自己的革命自觉、革命决心和革命毅力。我们相信大多数可以在锻炼中得到巨大的进步，但也有少数人，如果不下决心认真改正自己的毛病，他们就不但不能“几年后回来”，而且将失去当干部的资格。我们应当采取各种措施，加强对下放干部的政治思想教育，帮助他们，使所有下去的同志，都抱定坚强的决心，把自己锻炼成生龙活虎般的共产主义战士。不但对现在已经下去的同志，对于将来下去的也应该这样做，应当对他们负责，决不允许放任不管。
在职干部也必须解决这个重新锻炼自己的问题。除了应当采取轮流下去劳动锻炼外，对在职干部也应当定出一些办法，使他们在工作岗位上也能参加体力劳动，也能接近实际，接近基层。因此，市委认为，应当首先规定：每个领导干部，包括市委领导同志，每年应有四个月深入基层，联系群众，联系实际，直接帮助下级，取得经验。半年各下去两个月或一次下去四个月或每周下去两天都可以，但必须作为固定制度，坚决执行。各个机关、学校、部队、企业的负责同志，必须建立一个经常同基层联系的制度，经常了解他们的情况，研究他们的工作，在他们有困难的时候，帮助他们想办法解决。
第三、要使广大干部逐步地作到“又红又专”，成为红色专家。红指政治，专指业务，政治和业务是对立的统一。但政治是统帅，政治要统率业务；政治又是业务的保证，上层建筑是为经济基础服务的。只专不红，没有正确的政治观点，等于没有灵魂。只注意业务，不注意政治，光会算账，不讲思想，光搞物质基础，不进行社会主义教育，就要迷失方向，成为资产阶级思想的俘虏。因此，必须批判不问政治的倾向，使所有业务干部注意政治，不作迷失方向的经济专家、技术专家。同时也必须批判不学习业务的倾向，使所有干部努力钻研业务，力求成为业务上的内行，不作空头政治家。我们需要一支宏大的又红又专的干部队伍，否则，业务部门许多问题上的两条道路的斗争，资本主义同社会主义谁战胜谁的问题，就难于真正解决。现在有些同志以为自己已经红了，或者已经专了，或者自己已经又红又专了，其实又红又专是没有止境的，一自满就会退步。我们的同志必须有革命的雄心，振作精神，下苦功，学习马克思主义，学习政治，学习科学文化，学习业务，不是为了追逐个人名利，而是为了无产阶级的事业。堡垒是要人攻的，时间是靠人挤的，除了到学校进修，主要靠在职学习。各个部门都应作出规划，务期在十年内造就一大批又红又专的红色专家，以便在各个战线上真正建立和进一步巩固无产阶级的领导权。
第四、我们还The organizational guarantee of the enthusiasm and creativity of cadres must be ensured. As the construction事业 makes great strides forward, the powers that should be delegated must be resolutely delegated so that the broad masses of cadres can work boldly and proactively. Certain management systems that now seem to need modification or abolition must be decisively changed so that cadres can dare to let go and do their work. In the future, party organizations at all levels should improve our organizational work according to the principles of unified leadership and division of responsibilities as indicated by the central government, and establish corresponding work systems to meet the needs of the rapid development of socialist construction.
V
The call of the Central Committee greatly鼓舞 (encouraged) the entire Party and the people of the country, as well as the workers and劳动者 (laborers) of Shanghai and all sectors of society. A new高潮 (高潮) of production and scientific and cultural建设 (construction) has already arrived.
To further mobilize and organize the力量 (strength) of the entire Party and the people of Shanghai on the basis of the全民整风运动 (nationwide rectification movement), unite all可团结 (united) forces, strive to提前 (advance) and超额 (exceed) complete the second五年计划 (five-year plan), and realize the above伟大目标 (great goals), the Municipal Committee提出 (proposed) the following twelve tasks, calling on all levels of party organizations in Shanghai, all party members,共青团员 (Communist Youth League members), and all the people of Shanghai to promote their realization with unprecedented political热情 (enthusiasm) and劳动热情 (labor enthusiasm):
First, vigorously develop工业生产 (industrial production). (1) The total industrial output value of Shanghai should increase by more than 100% by the end of the second五年计划 (five-year plan) compared to the end of the first five-year plan. (2) Implement planned and step-by-step technological and organizational改造 (reforms) of Shanghai工业 (industry), maintaining the advantages of existing enterprises (simple, flexible collaboration, etc.) while gradually adopting new技术 (technologies),合理调整 (rationally adjusting) organizations, and developing Shanghai into a modern工业基地 (industrial base) for化学工业 (chemical industry),精密机械 (precision machinery),仪表 (instrumentation),电讯器材 (telecommunications equipment), small steel, shipbuilding, light textile工业 (industry), and other现代化工业 (modern industries), as well as various文化用品 (cultural products) and文化精制品 (cultural fine products). (3) General轻工业 (light industry),纺织工业 (textile industry),机电工业 (electromechanical industry), and化学工业 (chemical industry) sectors should, according to具体情况 (specific circumstances), strive to gradually catch up or surpass the quality水平 (level) of similar products in the UK or the US during the second and third五年计划 (five-year plans). (4) Strengthen leadership of基础建设 (basic construction), mobilize all力量 (forces), and strive to complete projects on time and提前 (ahead of schedule). Follow the principle of thrift and oppose浪费 (waste), ensuring工程质量 (project quality). (5) Implement the principles of民主办社 (democratic management) and勤俭办社 (thrift management), continue to整顿 (rectify) and巩固 (consolidate)手工业合作社 (handicraft cooperatives), and actively develop手工业 (handicrafts) beneficial to国家 (national economy) and有广阔国外市场 (large foreign markets). (6) Improve and develop交通运输事业 (transportation industry) to better serve生产 (production). (7) Strengthen leadership of劳动力调配 (labor force allocation), relying mainly on提高劳动生产率 (improving labor productivity) of existing workers and合理调配 (rational allocation) of劳动力 (labor force). New企业 (enterprises) should抽调 (draft) workers from industries with surplus劳动力 (labor). Most industries should加强 (strengthen) technical and organizational措施 (measures) to充分发挥 (fully utilize) the作用 (role) of existing劳动力 (labor force).
Second, strive to实现 (achieve) the“全国农业发展纲要（修正草案）” (National Agricultural Development Outline (Revised Draft))提前 (ahead of schedule). The realization of this伟大纲领 (great program) will not only cause our农业 (agriculture) to leap forward and make farmers’ lives更富裕 (more prosperous), but also strongly促使 (promote) the rapid development of industry. Shanghai党组织 (party organizations) and人民 (people) should: (1) Develop工业生产 (industrial production), improve商业工作 (commerce work), supply affordable and good-quality农具 (farm tools),肥料 (fertilizers),水利设备 (water conservancy equipment), and生活必需品 (daily necessities) needed for农业 (agriculture), strengthen scientific研究 (research), allocate人力 (personnel), and support全国 (national)农业 (agriculture). (2) Fully利用 (utilize) Shanghai’s favorable conditions, strive during the second五年计划 (five-year plan) to基本实现 (basically realize) the tasks specified in the“全国农业发展纲要（修正草案）” (National Agricultural Development Outline (Revised Draft)) in suburban Shanghai. Among these,粮棉产量 (grain and cotton yield), under normal years, should greatly exceed the指标 (indicators) set in the outline. Strive within five years for粮食 (grain) yield per mu (acre) to reach 1500-2000 jin (pounds), and皮棉 (lint cotton) per mu to reach 150-200 jin. In 1958, accelerate afforestation, aiming for early绿化 (greening) of urban and suburban areas. Achieve大片绿化 (large-scale greening) along the coast and线绿化 (linear greening) within and outside the city. Plan early for机械化 (mechanization) and电气化 (electrification) of suburban agriculture, aiming for早日 (early) realization. (3) Urban and suburban residents should互相支援 (support each other) and help each other,提前 (advance) building a富裕 (prosperous) and幸福 (happy) socialist新农村 (new countryside) in Shanghai suburbs, and gradually改善 (improve) the supply of蔬菜 (vegetables) and other副食品 (subsidiary foods) for urban residents.
Third, practice节约 (thrift), oppose浪费 (waste). (1) Deduct 5% of each部门 (department)’s财务拨款 (financial allocation) according to预算 (budget) and turn it over to the state, requiring that 95% of the money be used to do things that would normally require 100%. (2) Use企业 (enterprises)’s提成 (commission) properly, and prevent乱花 (waste) of year-end余 (surplus). (3) Strengthen财务管理 (financial management) of factories and enterprises, streamline非生产人员 (non-production personnel), reduce管理费用 (administrative expenses), lower生产成本 (production costs), and strive to超额完成 (exceed) the国家收入计划 (state revenue plan), accumulating more funds for国家建设 (national construction) and supporting socialist建设 (construction) nationwide with greater力量 (strength). (4) Promote the精神 (spirit) of勤俭建国 (thrift-based nation-building) and勤俭持家 (thrift in家庭), spreading a new社会风气 (social ethos). From大事业 (major undertakings) to私人 (private) celebrations, all should regard节俭 (frugality) as荣耀 (honor).
Fourth, strengthen经济协作 (economic cooperation) with neighboring provinces. Support local矿藏 (mineral resources) development such as small煤 (coal),铁 (iron), and有色金属 (non-ferrous metals), develop山区 (mountain areas), establish some轻工业 (light industry)原料 (raw material) and副食品 (subsidiary food)基地 (bases), improve supply of原料 (raw materials) and副食品 (subsidiary foods) for Shanghai工业 (industry), and promote共同 (common) economic繁荣 (prosperity).
Fifth, continue completing社会主义改造 (socialist transformation), consolidate and expand社会主义统一战线 (United Front). Continue implementing the policy of“长期共存、互相监督” (long-term coexistence and mutual supervision), strengthen左派 (leftists), consolidate leadership over中间分子 (middle forces), and isolate and分化 (divide)右派 (rightists).
Continue helping intellectuals through自我教育 (self-education) and自我改造 (self-reform) to achieve initial goals: (1) support Communist Party leadership; (2)坚定 (firmly)走 (walk) socialist道路 (path); (3)逐步 (gradually)与工农兵 (workers, peasants, soldiers)打成一片 (become one with); (4)正确处理个人利益与集体利益、国家利益的矛盾 (correctly handle contradictions between personal, collective, and national interests); (5)努力学习政治 (study politics),积极钻研业务 (actively study business),不断要求进步 (constantly seek progress). Through these efforts, aim for over 60% of高级知识分子 (senior intellectuals) in the左派 (leftists) and中左 (center-left) within five years.
Thoroughly complete socialist改造 (transformation) of所有资本主义所有制 (all capitalist ownership), strengthen改造 (transformation) of资产阶级 (bourgeoisie) based on企业 (enterprises). The定息制度 (fixed-rate system) for公私合营企业 (public-private joint ventures) must be abolished according to central regulations; serious资本主义经营倾向 (capitalist management tendencies) among some经销代销户 (distributors and agents) must be corrected; illegal地下工场 (underground workshops) must be shut down; factories needed by the state must be登记 (registered);盲目自发的小商小贩队伍 (blindly spontaneous small vendors) must be整理 (rectified); and some资产阶级 (bourgeoisie)投机取巧 (speculative and evasive)行为 (behavior) must be肃清 (purged). Through careful and ongoing思想教育 (ideological education), gradually solve major political issues such as genuine acceptance of党的领导 (Party leadership),走 (walk) socialist道路,接受工人监督 (accept worker supervision),接受劳动锻炼 (accept labor training), gradually改变 (change)生活作风 (lifestyle), and缩短 (shorten)生活水平 (living standards) and劳动群众 (working masses)的距离 (distance), transforming them into真正 (real)自食其力 (self-reliant)劳动者 (workers) during the socialist过渡时期 (transition period).
Sixth,繁荣 (prosper)科学文化 (science and culture), aiming to培养 (train) a large队伍 (team) of工人阶级知识分子 (worker-class intellectuals) within ten years. (1) Strive within five years to普及 (popularize)小学教育 (primary education), eliminate青壮年文盲 (illiteracy among young and middle-aged adults). (2) Within five years, ensure that大、中、小学 (large, middle, and primary schools) and other文化事业单位 (cultural institutions) have strong领导核心 (leadership core). (3) Within ten years,工农 (workers and peasants) should constitute over 70% of大学生 (college students), and优先录取 (preferentially admit)青年 (youth) with good劳动 (labor). (4) Organize作家 (writers) to下乡 (go to countryside) and下厂 (factories). Actively develop工农业余文化艺术活动 (cultural and artistic activities during工农 (industry and agriculture) leisure time),培养 (cultivate)工农通讯员 (worker and peasant correspondents), and培养 (cultivate)工农群众中的业余作家 (amateur writers),演员 (actors),音乐家 (musicians),画家 (painters), and other文艺工作者 (art workers). (5) Continue implementing the“百花齐放、百家争鸣” (let a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend) policy,开展 (carry out)学术研究 (academic research),提高 (improve)学校教学质量 (school teaching quality), and提高 (raise)科学研究水平 (scientific research level). (6) Strive within ten years to培养 (train) a batch of红 (red) and专 (specialized)技术干部 (technical cadres),科学家 (scientists),文学家 (literary figures),艺术家 (artists),编辑 (editors),记者 (journalists),教授 (professors),教员 (teachers), and马克思主义理论家 (Marxist theorists), including those who have truly undergone改造 (reform) and stand firm on工人阶级 (worker class)立场 (stand). Pay special attention to actively helping老干部 (veteran cadres) with初步基础 (initial foundation) to study hard. Strive within five years to培养 (train) 300社会科学工作者 (social science workers) with practical斗争经验 (combat experience) and at least university lecturer level.
Seventh, carry out patriotic卫生运动 (health movement) centered on除四害 (eliminate four pests). Under Shanghai’s specific conditions, the任务 (task) is to除七害 (eliminate seven pests). Strive within three years to make Shanghai’s urban and suburban areas基本上 (basically) free of蚊 (mosquitoes),蝇 (flies),鼠 (rats),雀 (sparrows),臭虫 (bedbugs),蟑螂 (cockroaches), and钉螺 (snails), and to彻底 (thoroughly) accomplish this within five years, and to坚持 (persist) for generations. In areas with条件 (conditions) in the city, this should be achieved by 1958. At the same time, promote家家户户 (every household) to讲究 (pay attention to)清洁卫生 (cleanliness and hygiene), strengthen医疗预防 (medical prevention), develop体育运动 (sports), and develop医药事业 (medical industry), aiming to提前根除 (eliminate early)血吸虫病 (schistosomiasis),疟疾 (malaria),钩虫病 (hookworm), and血丝虫病 (filariasis), and improve人民的健康水平 (people’s health level). Also strengthen the fight against各种病害 (various diseases) and虫害 (pests) that seriously harm牲畜 (livestock) and农作物 (crops), striving to早日肃清 (eliminate early) these diseases and pests.
Eighth, based on the principle of从六亿人口出发 (starting from 600 million people) and统筹兼顾 (overall planning), on the basis of发展生产 (developing production), according to国家规定的指标 (state-set targets), gradually改善 (improve) the生活 (living) of most workers. Strengthen市政建设规划 (municipal construction planning), follow the principle of因陋就简 (simple and frugal), and gradually改善 (improve). Address the紧张 (tight) housing问题 (problem) by适当调剂 (appropriate adjustments),充分利用 (fully utilize), correct房租畸轻畸重 (disproportionate rent) phenomena, and取缔 (ban) non-paying houses, evacuate some unnecessary urban residents, and restore some housing destroyed in wars, gradually seeking合理 (reasonable) solutions. Use现有福利经费 (existing welfare funds)合理 (rationally), and strengthen work for职工家属 (worker’s families), relying on群众 (mass)力量 (forces), and gradually改善 (improve) worker福利事业 (welfare事业).
Ninth, appropriately安排 (arrange) Shanghai’s剩余劳动力 (surplus labor), actively鼓励 (encourage) youth and job seekers in Shanghai to participate in农业劳动 (agricultural work). Establish卫星城镇 (satellite towns) around Shanghai, disperse some small enterprises, and reduce人口 (population)集中 (concentration) in the city. Advocate有计划生育 (planned birth control),加强 (strengthen)人口管理 (population management), and strive to限制 (limit) Shanghai’s population to around 7 million.
Tenth, strengthen对敌人的专政 (dictatorship over enemies). Any反 (reactionary) elements must be肃清 (purged). Reoffenders released from prison who reoffend must be re-arrested and re-tried. Rogues,阿飞 (gangsters),暗娼 (prostitutes),盗窃犯 (thieves),凶杀犯 (murderers),强奸犯 (rapists),贪污犯 (corruption), and those严重破坏社会秩序 (seriously disrupt social order) and严重违法乱纪 (seriously violate laws and discipline), as well as publicly recognized坏人 (bad people), must be punished.
Prohibit赌博 (gambling),清除 (eliminate)黄色书刊 (pornographic publications), thoroughly eradicate流氓阿飞 (gangsters), and the remaining bad influences of旧社会 (old society). Strengthen communist道德教育 (moral education) to achieve移风易俗 (change customs and habits).
Eleventh, strengthen政治军事 (political and military) training of驻沪部队 (troops stationed in Shanghai), further密切 (close) relations between officers and soldiers, and between军民 (military and civilians), establish and implement制度 (systems) for regular participation in local activities, consolidate national defense, and safeguard socialist建设 (construction).
Twelfth, tighten机构 (organizations),调整组织 (organize), strengthen基层组织 (grassroots organizations), further发挥 (give full play to)工会 (trade unions),共青团 (Communist Youth League), and妇女组织 (women’s organizations). Establish and improve民主制度 (democratic systems) such as职工代表大会 (workers’ congresses),合作社社员代表大会 (cooperative members’ congresses), and学生代表大会 (student congresses). Mobilize all力量 (forces), organize生产建设高潮 (production and construction高潮) and学习文化技术 (learning culture and technology)高潮, and fight for the建设社会主义 (socialist建设) of新上海 (new Shanghai).
After the Party Congress determines the above policies and tasks, the Municipal Party Committee and all levels of party organizations should制定 (formulate) plans for 1958 and the next five years in industries, handicrafts, agriculture,副业 (sideline industries), transportation, commerce (including物价 (prices)), science,文化 (culture),卫生 (health, including除七害 (elimination of seven pests)),财政 (finance, including金融 (banking)),劳动工资 (wages, including人口 (population)),市政建设 (municipal construction, including绿化 (greening)), etc., starting粗 (roughly) and细 (in detail), completing half-yearly, and revising annually, gradually完善 (improve).
Representatives!
We are in a伟大 (great)时代 (era) of transition from capitalism to socialism worldwide. The world situation is entering a new转折点 (turning point): led by the Soviet Union, the socialist阵营 (camp) has not only在人心归向 (gained people’s support),人口众多 (large population), and发展迅速 (rapid development), but also in several最重要 (most important)科学技术 (science and technology)方面 (aspects), has definitively surpassed the力量 (power) of the imperialist camp led by the US. As Comrade Mao Zedong said, now is the东风 (east wind)压倒 (overpower) the西风 (west wind), not the other way around.
In this new situation, we share a common feeling: being a共产主义 (communist)战士 (fighter) is very荣耀 (glorious). But, as the Party Central Committee teaches us, our great achievements are only the第一步 (first step) of a long march. To carry our事业 (cause) to final victory, we still need to solve two tasks: which阶级 (class) and which道路 (way) will胜 (win), and continue to fight伟大 (great) battles against自然界 (nature). Under these circumstances, the责任 (responsibility) of the Party’s leadership and of共产党员 (Communists) is undoubtedly even more重大 (important).
To realize the tasks we face, there are two methods: one is to make things快 (fast) and好 (good), the other is to make things慢 (slow) and差 (bad). Which method should we adopt? The facts show that more and more同志 (comrades) are choosing the first method, rejecting the second. We believe that after full discussion at this会议 (meeting), more comrades will rally their revolutionary enthusiasm, correctly implement the policies of勤俭建国 (thrift-based nation-building) that are多 (many),快 (fast),好 (good), and省 (economical), and accelerate the pace of building a socialist新上海 (new Shanghai). After this会议, the tasks proposed by our大会 (conference) will be fully discussed by all levels of party organizations and the broad masses of people, whose infinite智慧 (wisdom) will converge into endless力量 (power), pushing the事业 (cause) of building a socialist新上海 (new Shanghai) to even greater heights.
There is a famous old saying in China, called “乘风破浪” (ride the wind and break the waves). I think this phrase can vividly describe our current situation and tasks. Ahead of us are waves, representing various difficulties we will inevitably encounter in building socialism. But behind us is wind, representing the rising revolutionary enthusiasm of the广大党员群众 (vast party members and masses). This is a wind with无限潜力 (infinite potential), an irresistible wind. As long as we resolutely rely on the revolutionary enthusiasm of the masses, we will surely overcome any difficulties on our path forward. Let us勇敢 (bravely) advance with the spirit of riding the wind and breaking the waves! We will definitely accelerate the construction of socialist新上海 (new Shanghai), complete all tasks assigned by the central党 (Party) more quickly, and make even greater contributions to the事业 (cause) of building a strong socialist motherland. Victory will surely belong to us!
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