I have taken some notes on the French Revolution, which can help comrades in need clarify the timeline of the revolution, review the relationships among various political factions and their representative figures, and draw lessons from the revolution based on historical materialism.
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（1）Public opinion preparation before the Great Revolution and the representatives of various bourgeois political factions:
① Montesquieu, Voltaire (worships Locke) represent the interests of the grande bourgeoisie. Montesquieu was born into noble robes, and in his later years advocated legislation, believing that the best constitutional monarchy should have power in the hands of a few truly knowledgeable about French history and with “national spirit”—that is, the noble robes. Although he sharply criticized Christianity, he also promoted natural gods—the gods of the bourgeoisie (embodiment of enlightened monarchs). Montesquieu used law as his expression, which in fact was the embodiment of the monarch. The French Revolution did not develop according to Montesquieu’s ideas of separation of powers or Voltaire’s enlightened monarchy. This spirit was developed in the United States; Montesquieu’s concept of natural gods replacing old religions essentially created a new religion. The separation of powers (an idealistic concept, in reality all three powers are controlled by the bourgeoisie; their separation appears but is actually unified) aligns with the interests of the American bourgeoisie, so it was adopted. Montesquieu’s natural theology is the expression of his ideal and the theoretical basis of constitutional monarchy. Montesquieu was also an extreme nationalist, creating the so-called “Cold Zone and Tropical Zone theory,” advocating that the French are the most excellent nation, providing a theoretical basis for later imperialist invasions of Africa. (ps: It should be pointed out that Montesquieu’s progressive ideas came from Molière)
② Voltaire was born into a notarized family, imprisoned twice, advocating enlightened monarchy, sharply criticizing Catholicism. However, he was not opposed to religion himself, recognizing the role of religion in ruling classes, with the famous saying: “If there is no God, we must create one.” He also vigorously promoted Confucius and Chinese emperors because he saw feudalism as well, making him a guest of honor among monarchs worldwide. His promotion of Confucianism against Catholicism was because he recognized the patriarchal system of Confucianism, which aligned with his natural theology. Voltaire regarded Confucius as a bourgeois humanitarian, interpreting Confucianism from his own interests, describing it as a strict hierarchical and moral doctrine, but he did not truly understand the essence of Confucianism. After the French Revolution, the bourgeoisie immediately enacted the “Law of Clergy Citizenship” and the “Clergy Oath Law,” requiring all French clergy to swear allegiance to the bourgeois state, then placing the Catholic Church under bourgeois control, turning religion into a tool for the bourgeoisie, and transforming the bourgeois state itself into a new god. Voltaire acknowledged the objective existence of the material world, believing all ideas come from experience—empiricism; but when it came to rational knowledge, he also acknowledged theism, ultimately shifting from dualism to idealism. His philosophical wavering reflected the political wavering of the bourgeoisie.
Montesquieu and Voltaire both based their ideas on idealism, representing the right wing of the Enlightenment. The so-called “Spirit of the Law” is about the spirit of the monarch. This fully reflects their limitations as representatives of the bourgeoisie (ps: Voltaire’s ideas were influenced by La Mettrie).
③ Quinet represented the interests of the middle bourgeoisie. He believed agriculture was the foundation of wealth, that wealth inequality was natural, and advocated for free development and competition. He was a follower of agrarianism, calling for reforms in land and related areas. In fact, he represented the interests of agricultural capitalists, making concessions to the landlord class (classic argument: land generates rent). They fundamentally wanted to abolish feudal privileges peacefully and had a desire to develop capitalism.
④ Rousseau represented the small bourgeoisie, writing “The Social Contract,” “Discourse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality among Men,” etc. From a small bourgeois perspective, he demanded the abolition of private property of the large bourgeoisie while retaining small private ownership, advocating a return to the era of small bourgeois institutions. Rousseau believed primitive humans were equal, and the emergence of private property was a “trick of the clever.” He did not support going backwards but called for equality of wealth and the retention of small private ownership. Therefore, he was the most radical faction in the bourgeois Enlightenment because he represented small bourgeois interests, demanding equality of property (in reality, equality before the law), establishing republics (abolishing feudalism, aligning with bourgeois development interests), and advocating for small bourgeois freedom. But this resulted in unlimited freedom for the bourgeoisie: as small production constantly produces capitalist wealth, it fully aligned with bourgeois interests (Rousseau’s class limitations). Thus, this freedom was actually unfree.
His ideal was to live freely and equally in a democratic republic. He called for “inalienable human rights, sovereignty of the people,” etc., imagining a state where power was concentrated in “people’s representatives,” and believing the people had the right to revolt. But he failed to see that bourgeois legislative bodies could not truly represent the entire populace, and that executive power and repression were unified (for this reason, some liberals and others praised Rousseau and promoted a return to capitalism). He saw social progress driven by production, that private property was an inevitable product, and that civilization and inequality advanced together. He also sensed the contradiction and dialectical struggle, but ultimately his dialectics were spontaneous and idealist, leading only to its opposite. He also believed private property was “the most sacred…” and that the ideal society was one where everyone owned property equally, with freedom, etc. This fully revealed his small bourgeois limitations.
⑤ Diderot compiled and published the Encyclopédie, forming the Encyclopedist school. They absorbed many idealist, humanitarian, and materialist ideas, criticizing dark churches. They believed that superstition and privilege would be expelled by truth before reason. However, their “reason” still represented the bourgeoisie.
⑥ Utopian socialists like Morel, Mabille, and Moléli represented the interests of the lower working classes. Moléli sharply pointed out that as long as the roots of private property were not cut, even the best republic would be limited to suffering. Concerning the agrarian school’s views on “private property and enthusiasm,” Mabille straightforwardly said that private property brought idleness and laziness, allowing some to labor without gain and others to gain without labor, and no system like the bourgeois system could make people lazy. As long as private property existed, disasters tormenting humanity would occur. But they could not understand how private property came about, only explaining from a human nature perspective. They fantasized about regression to learn from backward nations, promoting asceticism and egalitarianism, wearing coarse clothing and eating simple foods. They envisioned a communist society where “everyone loved each other like brothers and sisters.” These ideas reflected the laboring people’s anti-exploitation and anti-oppression thoughts, greatly influencing later utopian socialism. Engels praised them as “direct theory of communism.” They were true Enlightenment thinkers!!! They genuinely wanted to enlighten the people!!!
They condemned private property, but due to the limitations of their era, their ideas remained idealist and could not reveal the inevitability of private property transforming into public property. They could not see the social forces and material basis of a true communist society, but they pointed out the future, the general outline of progress. This task was to be completed by their successors—the industrial proletariat. Their utopian socialist ideas were later inherited by revolutionaries like Babeuf, who declared the “Code of Nature” as his direct mentor.
⑦ Maturity of the revolution: “Noble rebellion” does not mark the beginning of the revolution, but only indicates that the upper classes could no longer rule as before, and the people used this crack to open the way for revolution. Louis originally did not read—after Louis XVI’s tax increase, he wanted to dissolve the Estates-General, and then the Estates-General (bourgeoisie) began to oppose the king with popular support. After the economic crisis of 1788, uprisings continued, and the bourgeoisie widely promoted the wave of popular uprisings. The Estates-General convened in 1789 (later Robespierre became a delegate), but the king still played old tricks, with the Third Estate having only one vote, leading to conflict. Ultimately, with popular support, the Third Estate gathered in the Tennis Court and declared that they would not disband before drafting a constitution, and even the army supported the people. When foreign powers attempted to dissolve the assembly by force and gathered troops at Versailles, the people and the ruling class faced sharp opposition, and the French Revolution officially began.
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（2） The great power of revolution lies in the people: the development and end of the French Revolution (1789-1794).
The French Revolution was a bourgeois revolution, but it was driven forward from beginning to end by the people. When the bourgeoisie hesitated and did not know what to do, retaining the king, it was the people who stepped forward to sustain the revolution. Later, when the anti-French coalition was formed, it was the masses who expelled the Girondins. On the night of July 13-14, the Parisians rose up, stormed the Bastille, and forced the transfer of power to the Constituent Assembly, marking the beginning of the French bourgeois revolution. In the countryside, farmers heard the news of the revolution. They fought against the lords, burned deeds, and feudal lords fled in fear. The French Revolution is divided into three periods: the rule of the constitutional monarchists (Lafayette, Mirabeau, etc.), the Girondins’ rule, and the Jacobins’ rule.
First period:
The Constituent Assembly made laws according to the will of the bourgeoisie and liberal aristocrats, discussing the abolition of feudal obligations, children, and the abolition of super-economic exploitation, but the land issues concerning the peasants were not resolved. On August 27, the parliament promulgated the Declaration of the Rights of Man, a programmatic document of the bourgeoisie. Its main spirit was anti-feudal, advocating human rights, legal system, and equality of all men—this also had a significant influence on the United States. It was the publication of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the struggles of the American people that forced the American bourgeoisie to pass ten constitutional amendments granting freedoms such as press and association—however, these slogans and worldview of the bourgeoisie primarily served to protect bourgeois interests, not some supra-class freedom and equality.
However, Louis XVI hated the bourgeois revolution. In October, he held a banquet at Versailles to entertain the reactionary troops brought to suppress the revolution and insulted the tricolor badge. This angered the people, who took to the streets, stormed Versailles, and even brought out cannons. On October 6, women marched to the palace shouting “Bread! Bread!” and demanded the king’s abdication. The bourgeoisie, fearing the anger of the people and the reactionary feudalists, brought Lafayette and the National Guard to protect the king, met with the people, and signed the Declaration of the Rights of Man. The emperor was forced to move to Paris under people’s supervision.
The events of October 5-6 accelerated the revolution, and the Constituent Assembly hastened to draft a constitution. Under the new constitution, 44,000 communes were established nationwide, and many bourgeoisie entered the government institutions, greatly weakening aristocratic privileges, attacking the interests of guild small producers, and clearing obstacles to the development of capitalist production relations—this satisfied the interests of the large bourgeoisie, who then wanted to stop. They chose to ally with the monarchy to control order, restricting the revolutionary movement of the masses, which turned against them. Moreover, the laws passed by the Constituent Assembly against workers, such as declaring strikes illegal, revealed its reactionary nature (Chabrol Law), which was only abolished under the strong pressure of the masses during Napoleon III’s era. This shows that the bourgeoisie has always been ready to suppress the people.
After the king’s failed escape, the people were furious. Thousands gathered at the Place de Mars to protest, but the bourgeoisie suppressed them, resulting in many deaths. This fully demonstrated the reactionary nature of the bourgeoisie.
The king’s escape attempt failed, and he was forced to sign the constitutional act… Although the hierarchy was abolished, people were divided into active and passive citizens, with only 4 million having voting rights. This policy was a result of continuous bourgeois compromise (even proposed by Robespierre!). At that time, the Jacobins were divided into the Mountain, the Girondins (led by Brissot), and the Plain, with the Girondins being the most reactionary and conservative on the right. Outside the parliament, there was the Feuillant faction, but their anti-popular policies lacked support. Foreign reactionary forces had already formed the anti-French coalition, eyeing the emerging republic. The Feuillant faction (representing the large bourgeoisie) feared war would weaken their power, while the Girondins supported war to expand their influence. The Jacobins believed that the counter-revolutionary forces should be eliminated first. Louis XVI wanted to use the war to suppress the revolution, so the Girondins formed the government.
Facing foreign invaders, the French king and queen committed treason, Lafayette abandoned the army and fled, and the situation was very critical. However, the people were patriotic, forming volunteer armies and singing “La Marseillaise” as they headed to the capital. Under Jacobin leadership, the masses entered the capital, formed the Revolutionary Commune, and prepared for armed insurrection.
Second period:
The French people no longer allowed the king to hold power. The king’s guard attacked the volunteers, and the invading armies threatened to kill the king or level Paris. The people, furious, wanted to abolish the monarchy. The king fled to the Legislative Assembly seeking protection, but the Revolutionary Commune arrested him. On August 10, the 1791 Constitution was abolished, and the division between active and passive citizens was eliminated. The Feuillant faction lost influence, and the cloud of feudalism was about to dissipate over France.
In response to the anti-French coalition, the volunteers went to the front. On September 20, they fought the Prussian army at Valmy and won a great victory, boosting the morale of the French people. Days later, they launched a counterattack, breaking through the Belgian border, defeating the Austrian army, and invading the Rhineland, driving the enemies out of France, deepening the revolution. The day after the victory at Valmy, the National Convention was convened, officially abolishing the monarchy and establishing the First Republic. Inspired by France, revolutionary movements in the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany, and colonies like Saint-Domingue also became active.
At this time, the Mountain held 80 seats, the Plain 500, and the Girondins were the right wing. The Mountain was the left wing, and the Plain, also called the Marais, was the largest faction representing the bourgeoisie, unstable and leaning towards the Girondins. Outside the parliament, the Faction of the Enragés also opposed the people’s interests. At that time, foreign reactionaries had formed the anti-French coalition, eyeing the new republic. The Feuillant faction (representing the large bourgeoisie) feared that war would weaken their power, while the Girondins supported the war to expand influence. The Jacobins believed that the counter-revolutionary forces should be eliminated first. In 1792, evidence of treason by the king was discovered at the Temple. On January 21, 1793, the king was executed, a major victory for the people. In October of the same year, the queen was also executed (by then, the Girondins had been overthrown, see below).
By the end of 1792, France’s economy was deteriorating. Zealots led a new faction—The Indulgents. The Girondins brutally suppressed to protect bourgeois interests; they were behind the big speculators, conspired with the monarchists, and supported counter-revolutionaries like Dumouriez. After the fall of the constitutionalists, the main contradiction shifted to that between the Girondins and the broad masses. When domestic and foreign enemies launched fierce attacks, the Girondins had become tools of counter-revolution and could not ensure victory without overthrowing them. Ultimately, with the support of the masses, the Girondins were overthrown.
Third period:
[Some leaders of the Jacobins: Robespierre was a disciple of Rousseau. During the revolution, he used the people’s power to severely crack down on reactionaries and was a significant bourgeois revolutionary. But after the victory, he ignored and suppressed the masses, losing their support, and was eventually guillotined by reactionaries. Danton was a lawyer, supporter of the republic, and a persuasive orator, studying Montesquieu, Voltaire, Rousseau, and adopting bourgeois progressive ideas (though heavily influenced by Montesquieu). During the national defense, he called on the people to be “brave, brave, and braver.” Later, he became a rightist, representing new wealthy interests. Marat was a doctor and an excellent propagandist, eventually assassinated.]
In late May 1793, representatives were elected from Paris districts, forming the Insurrection Committee, with Jacobin Anlyo as commander. The revolutionary people surrounded the Duyel Palace, demanding the disbandment of the twelve-member committee and the arrest of the most reactionary Girondins. The Girondins refused the second demand, so the people again defended the palace with cannons, forcing them to surrender 29 of the most reactionary Girondins. The uprising succeeded on June 2, 1793, once again overthrowing factions obstructing the revolution and transferring power to the Jacobins, bringing the French Revolution to its peak.
At that time, uprisings occurred across the country, with over 80 provinces rebelling and more than 60 betrayals. Royalists and remnants of the Girondins were active everywhere. To defend the revolutionary government, the Jacobins began solving the land issues left unresolved by the Girondins, freeing France from feudal bondage and aligning with most peasants’ interests (though not satisfying the poor peasants and not fully abolishing the division system). In 1793, a new republican constitution was adopted, and in 1794, the abolition of colonial slavery was announced, bringing the French Revolution to its climax.
Strengthening revolutionary dictatorship was urgent. Reactionaries assassinated Marat, and speculators wildly sabotaged grain price laws. Even Danton had become a member of the “Amnesty Committee,” no longer revolutionary, leaning to the right. At that time, Zealots led by Zealot demanded a firm crackdown on reactionaries. However, the bourgeois Jacobins almost all opposed the Zealots, but under popular pressure, they adopted some revolutionary measures, strengthened ties with the masses, and gained their trust. (At that time, the Jacobins were actually wavering, but under the support and pressure of the people and the leadership of leftists like Hébert and Chaumette, they further advanced the revolution, which was still quite progressive.) Additionally, the Jacobins established many clubs, contributing to the propaganda of bourgeois revolution. But there was also the Paris Labour People’s Club—the most radical (progressive). It publicly claimed to have land rights, reflecting small producers’ characteristics.
Under a series of correct and progressive policies, with the support of the people, the external enemies were repelled, and the French Republic stabilized. However, as the external enemies were defeated, conflicts between the Jacobins and the people gradually intensified, leading to serious internal divisions. The enemies had been defeated openly, and they could only find new agents. At this point, the degenerate Danton and Dumouriez were such figures.
The masses had not yet shaken off poverty. Poor peasants demanded new land laws. There was a faction within the Jacobins representing the broad masses, advocating for continued revolution and condemning Robespierre for unwillingness to deepen the revolution. Under pressure from both sides, Robespierre was caught in a dilemma: he did not want to regress like Danton nor truly represent the interests of the people for progress. He saw Hébert’s faction as destroyers of private property and aimed to suppress the left before dealing with the right. He arrested Hébert and Chaumette, excluding them from the death penalty. Later, Robespierre also turned against the right, arresting Danton and others and sentencing them to death. But his pursuit of personal interests turned the Terror into a joke, and Robespierre quickly lost the support of the people.
In July 1794, a counter-revolutionary coup occurred. Robespierre was almost executed by the National Guard, but hesitated, lost confidence in his political ability (believing he could not defeat the bourgeoisie), and was finally arrested by reactionaries and guillotined (the Thermidorian Coup).
Ending:
The French Revolution was a thorough revolution; it fought to the end until one side was completely eliminated and the other completely victorious. This revolution fully demonstrated the masses of the people. Engels commented: if civilians had not intervened on July 14, October 5-6, August 10, September 2, and other days, the old system would have defeated the bourgeoisie every time. It was only the people who carried the revolution forward. Although the bourgeois revolution was led by the bourgeoisie, ultimately it was the people who pushed it forward.
At the same time, it should be noted that even at its most revolutionary ascent, the bourgeoisie was double-faced. They wanted revolution on one hand but also counter-revolution on the other, using slogans of “freedom and equality” and replacing feudal exploitation with capitalist exploitation. Fundamentally, they had no common interests with the masses. The bourgeoisie’s dual nature and the stubborn resistance of the defeated reactionary classes made the process of the French Revolution a tortuous one, characterized by revolutionary and counter-revolutionary reversals.
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To be precise, Rousseau is a representative of the petty bourgeoisie. He vehemently criticizes the private ownership in capitalist society but does not advocate for overthrowing private ownership. He believes that human society can no longer eliminate private ownership and advocates for the preservation of small private ownership. This is actually a viewpoint of the petty bourgeoisie, wanting to maintain political and economic equality among small private owners. Political thought is the superstructure, serving to uphold a certain economic base. Rousseau became the most radical thinker among Enlightenment philosophers (except for the utopian communist faction) because he is a representative of the petty bourgeois left wing. Rousseau’s theories of natural rights and sovereignty of the people are, in fact, a reflection of petty bourgeois absolute egalitarianism in politics. Therefore, his political ideas inevitably carry the weaknesses of the petty bourgeoisie—namely, the inability to deny private ownership.
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Very good reading notes, indicating that the reading was quite serious.
Due to limitations in ability, some parts of personal notes are kept quite brief and may contain errors. Comrades are welcome to add any supplements or ask any questions freely!
I see, understood. Thank you.