【Historical Data】Gao Gang's counterrevolutionary activities

Recently, there has been a surge in searches on the forum for the entry about “Xi Jinping,” but there are no materials specifically discussing Xi Jinping’s personal experiences. As the leader of the Chinese revisionist group, black materials about Xi Jinping are widely circulated, but under the dissemination, distortion, and exaggeration by liberals, they have become somewhat distorted. However, currently, it takes quite some time to immediately summarize Xi Jinping’s reactionary experiences and his thoughts. Therefore, I am first posting this material to let everyone see Xi Jinping’s father, Xi Zhongxun, and the life of the counter-revolutionary Gao Gang, the “big brother” who led him, including mentions of Xi Zhongxun’s activities, to help everyone understand the true face of Xi Jinping’s bourgeoisie group of origin, for your reference.

This article was published before the Lin Biao counter-revolutionary rebellion incident. The author did not clearly understand Lin Biao’s essence at that time, so the article refers to him as “Comrade Lin Biao,” which should be carefully distinguished.

Gao Gang is not just a dead tiger — we must politically and ideologically overthrow and expose Gao Gang, the major counter-revolutionary
Author: The Capital’s Complete Crushing of the Peng-Gao-You (Peng Dehuai, Gao Gang, and Rao Shushi) Anti-Party Alliance Liaison Station

The Gao-Rao anti-party alliance was the first counter-revolutionary group uncovered within the party after the founding of the country. It proved that the Gao-Rao counter-revolutionary alliance was actually the Peng-Rao counter-revolutionary alliance, with Peng Dehuai as the leader of this anti-party alliance, and Gao Gang as another chief of this group. This counter-revolutionary alliance is essentially the same as the most extreme capitalist-roaders within the party, all aiming their guns at the proletarian command, headed by Chairman Mao, attempting to seize the party and power, and establish bourgeois dictatorship.

To further criticize Liu, Deng, and Tao, it is necessary to thoroughly expose Gao Gang’s anti-party crimes. Although Gao Gang is dead, his shadow still lingers; he is not just a dead tiger. The poisonous remnants of counter-revisionism he spread must be completely eradicated.

1. Madly Opposing Mao Zedong Thought, Conspiring to Split the Party

Chairman Mao is the greatest Marxist-Leninist of our era, the supreme commander of the entire party, army, and the people of the country, and the most revered leader of China and the world. Mao Zedong Thought is the most powerful ideological weapon against imperialism and modern revisionism, guiding all work of the party, army, and the entire country, and a mirror to expose all evil spirits. Because of this, our enemies always target our great leader Chairman Mao and the invincible Mao Zedong Thought first. Gao Gang, a big ambitious, scheming, and major counter-revolutionary, opposed Chairman Mao and Mao Zedong Thought with extremely despicable means and vicious tactics.

As early as around 1943, Gao Gang and his accomplices spread the counter-revolutionary slogan “South has Guangzhou, North has Shaanbei, South has Ruijin, North has Zhaojin, South has Jinggangshan, North has Yongning Mountain, South has Mao Zedong, North has Liu Zhidan,” attempting to challenge the Central Committee headed by Chairman Mao.

After the Northwest high-level meeting in 1943, Gao Gang ordered his black claws to compile “A Brief History of the Shaanxi-Gan-Ning Border Area,” a poisonous herb, to praise him and establish his reputation. In 1953, Gao Gang, for the purpose of anti-party usurpation of power, personally decided to publish this in the fifth issue of “Party History Materials.” This “Brief History” falsifies party and military history, spreading the reactionary fallacy that “the Central Government was saved in Shaanbei,” claiming that Gao Gang and his comrades proposed the “concentrate forces and attack the enemy on all fronts” plan based on the enemy’s strength and our weakness, thus “defeating the enemy and gaining great development,” preserving the “largest remaining revolutionary base,” and attributing the victory of the Zhi Luo Zhen battle directly to Gao Gang. It also greatly elevates Gao Gang’s prestige, calling him the “leader of the border area people” and the “leader of the border area party,” completely ignoring our great leader Chairman Mao.

In 1942, Chairman Mao issued a great call to rectify the “Three Styles” (subjectivism in academic style, sectarianism in party style, and formalism in literary style), but Gao Gang openly opposed Mao, convening a meeting of cadres above the county level in the border area for over three months, proposing the “Seven Rectifications”—“rectify the party, the army, the government, the masses (leadership organs of people’s organizations), the relations (between party, government, army, and the people), finance, and education”—to oppose Mao’s “Three Rectifications.”

In 1945, after Gao Gang went to the northeast, a group of his followers formed a close alliance, believing they held great power, and began to openly carry out conspiracy activities to split the party, preparing various means to seize the party and state leadership.

Gao Gang arrogantly compared himself to Chairman Mao, once mysteriously and happily telling his confidants: “Who is Stalin in China?” implying “I Gao Gang.” This means he aimed to replace Chairman Mao, revealing his wolfish ambition.

To achieve his goal, Gao Gang fabricated a reactionary “military-party theory,” claiming there was “dualism” in the party’s history, asserting that the Chinese Communist Party was two parties—the party in the military base area and the party in the White areas. He regarded himself as the representative of the party in the military base area, demanding all power for himself. He also claimed that the backbone of the party was trained in the army, with the saying “without guns, there is no party,” and spread this reactionary fallacy among his followers to sow discord between military cadres and the party, supporting his conspiracy to usurp the party, power, and military.

In December 1947, Mao pointed out in “Current Situation and Our Tasks” that “we must resolutely unite the middle and poor peasants and not harm their interests.” “Generally, we should treat rich peasants and landlords differently.” However, at the same time, Gao Gang instructed Li Rui to write an article titled “The Great March,” published under Gao Gang’s name, openly opposing Mao’s land reform policy. He vigorously promoted the so-called “poor peasant route” of “poverty farmers taking the country and sitting on the throne,” attacking middle peasants and infringing on industry and commerce; he treated rich peasants and landlords without distinction, implementing a left-leaning but actually right-wing reactionary line.

As early as 1943, Mao issued a great call for “organization.” He also fully affirmed the agricultural mutual aid organizations such as “work teams” and “planting teams” that appeared among the masses in Shaanxi-Gan-Ning border areas at that time. But Gao Gang went against this trend. From 1948 to 1949, as land reform in the northeast was basically completed, some areas saw the emergence of agricultural production mutual aid organizations, which were the embryonic form of agricultural collectivization responding to Mao’s call to organize and develop production. But Gao Gang slandered this as utopian agricultural socialism and opposed it, thus killing this newly emerging phenomenon in its cradle.

In May 1951, Gao Gang chaired the Northeast urban work conference, which, based on Gao’s opinion, adopted a resolution on the leadership of state-owned enterprises. This resolution vigorously promoted the so-called factory director responsibility system (a copy of the Soviet model), which stipulated that the party committees in industrial enterprises should only ensure supervision and oversee the completion of production tasks. It aimed to weaken the party’s leadership, turning party organizations into administrative tools of factory directors. It also promoted the theory that “production is politics” and “good production equals good politics,” advocating that all work in enterprises should revolve around production.

In September 1950, Gao Gang delivered a speech titled “Who Should Have Honor, Status, and Material Enjoyment,” which was a thorough poison of the “self-cultivation” type. He advocated “honor,” “status,” “material treatment,” and “bonuses,” and proposed a law: “The greater your contribution to the country and the people, the higher the honor, status, and material treatment you will receive, in direct proportion.” He also declared: “We evaluate all cadres, party and non-party factory managers, commercial personnel, educators, government workers, military personnel, party affairs workers, etc., using this standard, and no other,” which sounded very much like the tone of Khrushchev!

In 1949, our great leader Mao pointed out: “After the enemies with guns are eliminated, those without guns still exist, and they will inevitably fight us to the death. We must not underestimate these enemies.” But Gao Gang, standing on the reactionary bourgeois position, strongly opposed this. In 1952, in “A Basic Summary of the ‘Three-Anti’ and ‘Five-Anti’ Movements in Northeast,” he falsely claimed that the gains of these movements “facilitate the party and government to better lead and unite the bourgeoisie and develop our economic undertakings,” and shouted: “The toxic residues left by thousands of years of reactionary rule will be cleansed through this.” It seemed as if class struggle ended after the “Three-Anti” and “Five-Anti” movements.

2. Openly Opposing Chairman Mao, Attempting to Seize Power and Become an “Emperor”
Gao Gang, a major schemer, not only opposed Mao Zedong Thought but also carried out conspiracy activities to realize his ambition of usurping power, directly targeting our most revered leader, Chairman Mao.

The great War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea was won under Mao’s wise leadership and correct command. However, Gao Gang spread rumors and attacked Mao, claiming: “Chairman Mao was hesitant to decide on sending troops to Korea during the central meeting,” and that “Chairman Mao only decided because Comrade Peng Dehuai insisted on deploying troops.” Clearly, he wanted to take credit for the war and portray himself as the only one concerned about the Korean War. He praised Peng Dehuai excessively, saying: “Comrade Peng Dehuai commanded well; no one but Comrade Peng could command this war,” belittling Mao.

Gao Gang’s anti-party conspiracy activities reached their peak in 1953. When the central government transferred him to Beijing, he was very dissatisfied, still wanting to establish an independent kingdom in the northeast and directly targeting Chairman Mao. He claimed that being transferred to Beijing was “like a tiger being moved away from the mountain,” and that he was “afraid of becoming Fan Li” (a reference to a historical figure known for his loyalty). He also maliciously hinted that Mao was like the ancient Yue King Goujian, saying, “We can suffer hardships together, but not enjoy happiness together.” Gao Gang was truly audacious and deserves death! He also told others, “I won’t serve if I only become a figurehead in the central government” (referring to the former Kuomintang provincial chairman of Xinjiang, later a pseudo-minister of agriculture appointed by Chiang Kai-shek).

In 1953, during the central financial conference, Gao Gang, in collusion with Rao Shushi, eagerly jumped out, preparing to seize the party and state leadership. Gao and his followers, including Xi Zhongxun, Tan Zhenlin, and others, engaged in secret activities, held a so-called “Shanghai meeting,” and extended his influence into Shanghai. He also used regional leaders to incite opposition to the central government and Mao. After long-term conspiracy and planning, Gao Gang and Rao Shushi instructed Tan Zhenlin and others to jointly write a letter to Mao, asking him to “rest.”

Later that year, when the Politburo discussed who should preside over central work after Mao’s departure, Gao Gang eagerly proposed “rotation of leadership.” When the central government proposed whether to add vice-chairman and general secretary positions, his ambitions were fully exposed, and he openly declared his desire to become vice-chairman of the Party Central Committee. When the Eighth National Congress was scheduled for 1954, Gao Gang was overjoyed, personally mobilized his followers, and nominated many “eighth congress representatives,” attempting to secure votes and reorganize the Politburo. During this period, he also secretly traveled to Nanjing, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Guangzhou, Wuhan, and other places for conspiracy activities.

But history is merciless. The prestige of the central government and Mao among the people was as firm as a rock, unshakable. Gao Gang and his conspirators, under the shining light of Mao Zedong Thought, revealed their true nature and were crushed by the wheel of history.

3. Recruiting Traitors, Forming Factions, and Building Independent Kingdoms
Gao Gang, a major party boss, long sought to realize his ambitions of seizing the party, power, and military, by long-term power struggles, recruiting traitors, forming factions, and cultivating his personal influence, building his own independent kingdom.

As early as in the Shaanxi-Gan-Ning border area, he portrayed himself as the “representative of the correct line,” “founder of the Shaanbei revolutionary base,” and “leader of the border area party and people,” desperately boasting of himself. Together with Xi Zhongxun, Ma Wenrui, and others, he used the “left” errors of opposing certain figures to cultivate his own forces, forming close alliances, and treating the Shaanxi-Gan-Ning border area as his “own family domain.”

His followers extolled Gao Gang as a “systematic, complete Marxist-Leninist,” propagating “without Shaanbei, there is no New China,” “Shaanbei is the resting place of the Long March,” and “saving the Central in Shaanbei,” creating public opinion for Gao’s independent kingdom. As a result, Gao was very fond of his henchmen.

From October 19, 1942, to January 14, 1943, Gao Gang presided over the Shaanxi-Gan-Ning border area’s “High-Level Meeting,” where his report—“The Struggle Between Two Lines in the Border Area”—was their black program for anti-party activities. The twenty-some “outstanding party members” he praised—Gao Gang, Xi Zhongxun, Zhang Xiushan, Wang Shitai, He Jinnian, Liu Jingfan, Zhang Bangying, Ma Mingfang, etc.—were his key anti-party operatives. After the Seventh Plenary Session of the Fourth Central Committee exposed Gao Gang, he still praised his followers and said: “After this (referring to the Fourth Plenary), it proved that Ma Wenrui, Xi Zhongxun, Liu Jingfan are loyal to me.”

In 1945, after Gao Gang was transferred to the northeast, he immediately took control of his own followers and territory, becoming the local warlord of the northeast, adopting a “those who follow me prosper, those who oppose me perish” policy, and consolidating his power by oppressing those who followed the correct line.

In 1946, Lin Biao led the Northeast work, firmly implementing Mao’s instructions, focusing on rural areas, expanding and consolidating rural bases, and strengthening revolutionary forces. But Gao Gang strongly opposed Lin Biao, insisting on staying in big cities and refusing to go to the countryside.

Right after the victory in the Anti-Japanese War, Chiang Kai-shek came down from Emei Mountain to “pick peaches.” With the help of the U.S. imperialists, he moved troops into the northeast, attempting to seize the fruits of the people’s victory. Mao had long foreseen this and dispatched 20,000 cadres and 80,000 troops from Yan’an to take over the northeast. Gao Gang, aiming to expand his influence, marginalized cadres and troops from Guanzhong, and issued a policy of “new soldiers and new guns,” which deprived the troops and cadres from Yan’an of good equipment. This wrong decision was firmly opposed by Lin Biao.

After arriving in the northeast, Gao Gang first installed his trusted followers in key positions, controlling leadership. For example, after the Liaodong and Liaoning provinces merged, he immediately appointed Zhang Wentian as secretary, and in southern Liaoning, he assigned his loyal subordinate Zhang Xiushan as secretary, transferring He Jinnian to the northeast as deputy commander of the military district, thus controlling the party, government, and military power in the northeast. Later, he promoted Zhang Xiushan as a candidate for the Central Committee and recommended Wang Heshou and Zhang Mingyuan as alternate members of the Central Committee. Before the Eighth Congress, Gao had also nominated many “eighth congress representatives.” At the same time, Gao and Xi Zhongxun planned to place Chen Zhenren and Ma Wenrui in the Central Organization Department as deputy ministers, instructing them to play a “central role” in preparing for his coup.

Besides placing his old accomplices, Gao Gang also cultivated a new group of followers in the northeast.

In 1937, during his studies at the Anti-Japanese University, Zhao Qufei, who joined the party then, was promoted from a provincial deputy minister to vice governor by Gao Gang. Xue Guangjun, originally a policy research office staff member, was promoted to deputy secretary of the Northeast Bureau. Song Ping, who was deputy secretary of the Northeast Federation of Trade Unions, was promoted to vice chairman of the trade union in 1952, and later transferred to the central government as director of the Labor Wages Bureau of the State Planning Commission, also serving as deputy minister of labor. When Gao Gang transferred Song Ping to the Ministry of Labor, he said: “You need to start from a good position in the Ministry of Labor,” and told others: “If Song Ping doesn’t sign off on labor wages issues, I won’t look at them.” This revealed his secret of factionalism.

The great victory of the Chinese revolution and construction was the result of Mao’s wise leadership and the victory of Mao Zedong Thought. But Gao Gang, in a speech at the Inner Mongolia cadres’ meeting on August 3, 1948, exalted the reactionary and local tyrant Ulanhu (Yunze), saying: “During the long struggle, the Inner Mongolia people found their true revolutionary leader—Comrade Yunze. Any hypocritical feudal upper-class figure in Inner Mongolia would quickly lose influence in the face of Yunze’s revolutionary stance, glorious history, and work achievements.” “We believe that the Inner Mongolia Party and autonomous government, under Yunze’s leadership, will unite all party members around Yunze and surely overcome difficulties and move forward victoriously.” He also said, “The task of the Inner Mongolia Party is to serve the working people of Inner Mongolia and do good deeds for them, and only this, nothing else.” Isn’t this inciting Ulanhu to oppose the central government and establish an independent kingdom? It also reveals his ambition to control Inner Mongolia.

Gao Gang has always advocated for independent economic plans, budgets, fiscal revenue and expenditure plans, taxes, and currency in the northeast, resisting the central unified leadership. After the nationwide liberation, he spread the “special theory of Northeast” among cadres, claiming that “only after Northeast is developed well, and a solid foundation is laid, can the national financial and economic situation improve,” and other fallacies.

Gao Gang also used his propaganda machinery to promote political propaganda. On the front page of the “Northeast Daily” he controlled, there were often headlines about “Chairman Gao’s achievements,” and in broadcasts and cultural programs, he was extensively promoted. Responding to his calls, completing tasks, launching movements, and issuing replies and comments appeared daily in various propaganda, placing him above Chairman Mao and even ignoring the central party and Mao. Some places even displayed his portraits, shouting “Long live Chairman Gao!” during parades.

In 1953, Gao Gang was transferred to Beijing to serve as the chairman of the State Planning Commission. He again tried to turn the commission into his independent kingdom. He took all the power from the former State Finance and Economic Commission, not only directing financial departments but also interfering with other departments. Any work related to finance, Gao would intervene in. In doing so, he essentially usurped the power of the State Council. He aimed to use financial work to seize the power of the State Council and Premier Zhou Enlai, even shamelessly spreading rumors that Mao was dissatisfied with the State Council’s work and wanted him to take more control, directly responsible to Mao and the Politburo; thus, some specific issues of the central government had to seek his opinion, and only with his approval would they be implemented. He boasted: “The heads of the bureaus of the State Planning Commission are equivalent to ministers or vice ministers of various departments, and bureau heads can directly inquire about work from relevant departments.”

After moving to Beijing, Gao refused to let go of the northeast. Besides serving as the first secretary of the Northeast Bureau, he entrusted the northeast’s major powers to his “Five Tigers” Zhang Xiuchuan, and promoted Guo Feng and Zhao Dezun to the Northeast Bureau, arranging them to work there.

Long before arriving in the northeast, Gao had already colluded with the notorious spy Rao Shushi. After they were transferred to Beijing, their conspiracy activities intensified, even discussing anti-party plans over the phone. This group of traitors and spies finally launched a fierce attack on the party and military during the 1953 central finance and organizational meetings, attempting to seize control.

Chairman Mao said: “It is not easy to overthrow us; this is a historical lesson.”

The reckless attack by Gao, Peng, Rao, and others was finally met with a fierce counterattack by revolutionary people, who inflicted heavy losses.

4. Colluding with Foreign Countries and Conspiring to Stage a Coup
During the Liberation War, Gao Gang began his treacherous dealings with foreign countries.
Gao Gang leaked party and state secrets to Moscow through the then head of the Soviet expert group and Chinese nationals with Soviet citizenship.
From 1949 to 1953, Gao Gang, using his loyal followers Zhang Wentian as the Chinese ambassador to the Soviet Union, engaged more frequently in treacherous activities. Shen Yue, who was promoted by Gao Gang as the secretary of Fushun Municipal Committee, was healthy but was approved by Gao to “rest” in the Soviet Union, through whom a personal letter was delivered to Zhang Wentian. He also used the Soviet personnel on the China Railway to write to Soviet leaders, illegally establishing relations with the USSR and even slandering our great leader Mao Zedong.
Before the Beria incident in the USSR in 1953, Gao Gang went to the Soviet Union, and after returning, he did not report to the central authorities but secretly discussed with Tan Zhenlin and others, involving conspiracy. Usually, he also discussed party issues and China’s military deployments with Soviets without the central approval. These crimes and conspiracies must be thoroughly investigated.

5. Corrupt and Decadent Bourgeois Lifestyle
Gao Gang was a typical ambitious schemer, counter-revolutionary revisionist, and a gangster.
Gao Gang lacked talent but had a face full of moles. He did not read books or newspapers, could not write more than a few words besides signing his name. He fundamentally did not understand Marxism-Leninism Mao Zedong Thought. He often stole others’ things, appropriated them, and published them under his own name, disguising himself to deceive the central party and Mao, to gain political capital. For example, in 1953, a director of the Planning Commission gave a speech on commercial work, which Gao plagiarized and presented as his own, even submitting it to Mao under his own name.
Gao was indifferent to central documents and instructions, asking his secretary to read them to him. His speeches were written by others, but he pretended to be a veteran revolutionary, putting on a facade. When guests visited his house, he always kept a high pile of books on the table, sitting there motionless, seemingly studying intently. When guests arrived, he would pretend to have a sudden realization, revealing his hypocritical face.
Besides attending meetings and listening to reports, Gao’s main life activities included playing mahjong, poker, chess, dancing, and women.
Gao, a notorious gangster, often danced and played in northern Shaanxi. He once wanted to spend six million yuan to pave his floor. During dances, he preferred to find beautiful girls to dance with, indulging in debauchery. During his eleven months in the border area, he was dismissed twice for moral corruption. Gao was fond of new things and discarded many wives.
After moving to the northeast, Gao’s gangster nature did not change. His henchmen, Li Zhengting, Chen Bokuan, and others, often used their positions to find women for him, allowing him to indulge. He even brought his mistress on business trips and had women accompany him during rest. He was so despicable as to deceive his wife into pretending to be a guest to lure female comrades into his house for assault—deserving of death!
Gao’s relationship with his servants was entirely that of a slave owner and slaves; he would curse and beat them at will.
“The golden monkey rises with a mighty stick, the jade universe clears of dust. To eliminate all harmful pests, no enemies remain.”
Under Mao’s personal leadership and command, the fiery flames of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution grew stronger. The Chinese Khrushchev, the spokesperson for land, wealth, enemies, traitors, and rightists, and the backstage of all evil spirits, the Peng-Gao-Rao anti-party alliance and the Liu Shaoqi, Peng Dehuai, Rao Shushi, and Yang Shangkun counter-revisionist group, were finally exposed. Let us raise high the great red flag of Mao Zedong Thought, launch a larger revolutionary critique storm, thoroughly criticize Liu, and bury the Peng-Gao-Rao anti-party alliance and its backstage, Liu, Deng, Tao, together!

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I want to ask, wasn’t this during Stalin’s era? Was he colluding with the Soviet Union’s bourgeoisie? Also, I would like to ask how Gao Gang was exposed.

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Before coming in, I thought it was about Xi Zhongxun, but after looking closely, I realized it was Gao Gang (

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I saw Gao Gang say “In the north there is Liu Zhidan, in the south there is Mao Zedong,” and I want to ask what kind of nature Liu Zhidan has.

Same question, I previously read the “Long March” published by Zhongxiu, and the book praises Liu Zhidan a lot.

People like this are definitely not just one individual, but a group. They are likely to be an important force in obstructing the Cultural Revolution and promoting the restoration of capitalism in the future. Being an instructor is really tough.

When will you stop being an ostrich?

I want to respond to whoever I want to respond to; I have the right to remain silent on things I think are not worth answering.

Screenshot 2568-04-27 at 09.40.46
Do you remember who said this sentence? You’re doing the same as Zuo Qun with your mouth, it’s not human behavior anymore.

@烽火Flame Can you restore it for him so everyone can see what he said that even he feels ashamed of?

woodlee’s basic logic: strict with others, lenient with oneself
Specific behavior: seeing a counter-revolutionary, saying “Ah, how bad this person is, quickly overthrow him.” Being criticized by the administrator: “Bro, you’re wrong, I kneel to you, stop scolding, stop scolding.” Being criticized by other members: “What are you? Are you human? You wield a knife against the weak! I don’t want to talk to you!” Regarding one’s own counter-revolutionary behavior: “Ah, playing games is good, it’s what the people enjoy, none of your business. No, I want to indulge! I do revolution for indulgence! For personal benefit! Because capitalism can’t give me personal benefit! Of course, if capitalism can give me that, I’ll become a capitalist lackey!” When criticized for poor theory: “I want to study!” When seeing the number of pages in a book: “I don’t want to study, I want to publish explosive theories!”
Is this summary correct? @eel_dooW.

Well, I understand.

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“Hmm, I got it”
The next day, “I want to play games!”

It’s very difficult to chat with you because no one knows what you’ll say next.

Okay.

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But if you treat everyone in the forum with such an attitude, isn’t the actual effect opposing socialism? In other words, instead of humbly learning and accepting many correct viewpoints from everyone, you evade them and accept various ideologies of capitalist society based on your personal interests, willingly becoming a communist only in words (sometimes, and even often, not even in words). Isn’t this strengthening the power of capitalism? You say that Chairman Mao faced an entire capitalist-roader group back then, but the social foundation of the capitalist-roader group includes not only the bourgeoisie but also a large number of petty bourgeoisie who indulge their spontaneity. By continuing to insist on such selfish and self-interested views, aren’t you also helping China’s bourgeoisie, hindering the cause of socialism, and standing opposed to Chairman Mao?

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Sing the song appropriate to the mountain you are on, speak the words appropriate to the people you meet. Regarding the members of the organization that formed this forum, they are truly engaged in revolution and practice. I hold them in high regard in terms of attitude. I think it is very necessary to discuss philosophical and other viewpoints with them carefully. Although they may have some minor subjective errors, I believe they can be persuaded using the method of dialectical materialism, because they know they should create a discussion atmosphere guided by dialectical materialism. However, for those who joined the forum like me, I can only say that most do not really understand dialectical materialism; they just agree with some views that coincide with dialectical materialism on certain matters, much like solving problems and mastering theorems.

The benefits of seriously discussing with the more theoretically advanced members of the organization are obvious, but with new users, especially those with lower levels (as can be seen from their comments), the more you talk, the more confused it gets, and it easily leads the discussion into quarrels. This is inappropriate. But I also do not want to discourage their enthusiasm because their attitude is good, and they do not think I am very knowledgeable in theory (which is true). I can only use a perfunctory strategy to prevent them from making comments with little reference value when I am discussing.

Those who do not need to write a self-introduction are members of the organization.

One more thing I want to mention is to pay attention to the fifth point in “Oppose Liberalism” during discussions.

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You mean that the masses are not worthy of talking to you, right? Do you think this kind of hierarchical thinking is the attitude of Marxism?

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“Speak human language when you see people, speak ghost talk when you see ghosts,” indeed aligns with bourgeois individualism. Whether to praise your honesty for laying this out openly, or to criticize your shamelessness, is up to interpretation.

How can you so easily categorize others into different tiers? What level are you yourself? Looking down on this one or that one, are you even studying Marxism? Aren’t you being too arrogant and conceited? To relax and play games, you come up with one crooked trick after another. Do you think that your constant spouting of extreme views isn’t “comments with little reference value”?

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This is complete nonsense. Your statement itself is not proletarian thought. Philosophy, as a systematic worldview, should guide a person’s behavior in all aspects. What you are saying is entirely against dialectical materialism. You do not provide objective facts to prove others’ statements wrong; instead, you rely on subjective idealism in your mind to achieve spiritual victory. Then, based on these completely unfounded fantasies, you deceive yourself, dressing yourself up as a victim, a sage, or a saint, as if you are a genius who can only function when interacting with heroes of the same level. Meanwhile, you look down on those other forum members who you actually find unsatisfactory or who harm your personal interests, calling them theoretically inferior and hypocritically saying that interacting with them would be bad for them.

This shows that the philosophy guiding your practice is not dialectical materialism at all, but subjective idealism and personal heroism, just like Proudhon and Weitling. However, you are even more pathetic than those people because, in their time, before Marxism appeared, their thoughts still contained correct and valuable elements. You only copy Marxist phrases and then use a pragmatic philosophy to revise Marxism into a theory that suits your personal interests. Then you use this set of theories to put on airs.

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