Originally published at: http://sg.lsepcn.com/archives/668
Spontaneous高潮 of mass movements urgently requires truly revolutionary organizations! — Commentary on the fall from a building by students at Shaanxi Pucheng Vocational School
Editorial Board of the Association for the Liberation of the Proletariat
Death of Party Changxin and Mass Protest
Party Changxin's family voices on social media
On the early morning of January 2, 2025, Shaanxi Pucheng Vocational Education Center student Party Changxin fell to his death from the dormitory building. After the incident, the school immediately cut off the power in the dorms and conducted four rounds of body searches on all students, confiscating their communication devices, destroying all recordings or videos related to Party Changxin's fall, and strictly forbidding students from spreading any related information online. Family members were summoned to the school but were detained and guarded by teachers, not allowed to move freely, and prohibited from contacting the child's body. At 7 a.m., local police informed the family that the child had "committed suicide," and the school, citing "damaged surveillance," prevented the family from viewing the footage. At 4 p.m., the school suddenly took the family to the funeral home to see the child one last time. They found that the child's clothes had been neatly redressed, but a large bruise was visible under his uncovered neck, indicating he had been beaten during his lifetime. When the family tried to lift his clothes to check and take photos for evidence, more than a dozen teachers suddenly rushed forward to stop them. Subsequently, Party Changxin's body was urgently cremated, and all information on his electronic devices was erased. Less than a day after the incident, all evidence regarding the cause of Party Changxin's death was completely destroyed!
After the incident, Party Changxin's family could no longer bear the pain of losing their son. On January 4, they arrived at the school gate with a banner, holding a portrait of the child to accuse the school of hiding the truth and killing people recklessly. The tragic experience of Party Changxin and his family quickly aroused anger and sympathy among the local people. On the evening of January 5, over a thousand people gathered at the school gate to support the family and demand an investigation into the incident and justice for the victim. However, a premeditated group of police quickly stormed the protest crowd, forcing Party Changxin's uncle to the ground and beating him, attempting to forcibly take him away. The police violence pushed the crowd to the limit; they immediately surrounded the police, shouting: "Let him go!" Seeing this, the reckless police began beating and arresting the crowd. But the people's strength was unstoppable; the more fiercely the police repressed, the more the crowd gathered—standing united, blocking the police's path with their bodies. Seeing the crowd's momentum, the corrupt police were forced to release people. However, once the crowd dispersed, the cunning authorities immediately issued a statement to cover up the truth and downplay the incident, claiming that Party Changxin had a quarrel with a senior student named Guo during rest time on the night of the 2nd. After intervention by the vice director of the political and educational department, Party Changxin supposedly fell to his death from the dormitory balcony, and "on-site investigation, review of surveillance, and interviews" by the police had "ruled out" the possibility of a criminal case. The statement ended with a warning for the public: "Do not spread rumors, do not believe rumors, do not transmit rumors."
Since the authorities demand that the public not believe "rumors," how convincing can their so-called "truth" be? First, according to the statement, the cause of Party Changxin's "suicide" was a "physical altercation" with others. But what kind of "physical altercation" could drive someone to despair and suicide? And what kind of "physical altercation" could cause such severe injuries that large bruises are still visible under the body, hidden beneath the body? Second, wasn't this so-called "physical altercation" mediated by the deputy director of the political and educational department? If it could at least serve as a deterrent to the perpetrators, preventing further crimes and ultimately leading Party Changxin to despair and suicide, then what role did this "mediation" and the department head actually play? Third, the so-called "suicide" itself is highly suspicious. Why could Party Changxin, severely injured, still remove the metal mesh window? Why didn't the loud noise of him breaking the window and falling wake his roommates?
Compared to this contradictory and flawed "truth," the "rumors" from students seem more logical: shortly after the initial dispute, Party Changxin was quickly beaten by Guo and others, and when teachers intervened to "mediate," they showed favoritism toward the perpetrators, emboldening the bullies. Subsequently, Guo and others broke into Party Changxin's dormitory again, brutally beating him as revenge for reporting the incident, which became the last straw that broke him. There are also rumors claiming that Party Changxin did not commit suicide but was thrown out of the window by bullies who had dismantled the window on the spot during the assault. Other rumors suggest that the bullies' parents are powerful local officials, and the school dares not offend them... In any case, these rumors are probably closer to the truth than the official propaganda.
Moreover, the series of actions such as house arrest of family members, hiding surveillance footage, suppressing students, controlling the internet, destroying the body, and suppressing protests, all prove that the authorities are not as transparent as they claim but are desperately covering up the true cause of Party Changxin's death! Under the fascist rule of the authorities, bureaucratic bourgeoisie monopolizes the interpretation of all social events, fabricating stories for their own interests, while the broad masses have no right to know the truth—there are countless cases of victims murdered without justice in China: in October 2022, Jiangxi student Hu Xinyu "disappeared" inside the school, and his body was finally found in a nearby forest after more than three months of "search," but the police hastily declared it a "suicide"; in January 2024, Lianyungang student Zhang Xinwei's body was found in a river after 37 days of disappearance, despite his explicit suicide note mentioning repeated insults and beatings, the police still declared it a "suicide"; in October 2024, Hunan Xiangyin student Zeng Zhihui fell to his death after being beaten by teacher Dai Weidong, and the police still ruled it a "suicide"... All these cases involve victims who were innocent and unjustly killed, while the killers remain at large, and only a few have broken through the authorities' censorship to see the light of day!
From top left to bottom right: angry crowd overturning fences, crowd breaking through school walls, students destroying cameras, crowd throwing objects at police
Therefore, the provocative notice from the authorities completely ignited the long-suppressed anger of the people. Within just one day (January 6), thousands of people flooded into Pucheng Vocational Center, protesting and demanding that the authorities reveal the truth and hold the killers accountable. The protest involved different classes and strata, from workers to petty bourgeoisie, including many from other places, with elders holding portraits of their children who had died years ago, accusing the authorities of covering up their children's tragic deaths with the same excuses. Faced with such a massive movement, the police initially tried to form a human wall to block the school gate. But the crowd quickly linked arms and forced the police back, while nearby migrant workers brought hammers and other tools to break through the school walls. Students also pushed down fences and rushed into the campus, smashing the surveillance cameras that were still intact but had been deleted from footage. The angry crowd dragged out the vice principal to question him and nearly overturned the ambulance he was hiding.
Seeing the situation escalate rapidly, the authorities hurriedly dispatched large numbers of police from Pucheng, Weinan, and other cities in Shaanxi to suppress the protests. The brutal police attempted to disperse the crowd by beating and arresting individuals, especially women and students. However, the people did not retreat; they formed human walls, step by step forcing the police to retreat, exposing their nature as bandits and running dogs, and retaliating with bottles, bricks, and sticks. Inspired by the crowd, students joined the fight: without weapons, they sprayed police with fire extinguishers, tore down iron bars from fences to throw at police, and repeatedly repelled police attacks. But as time went on and police increased in number, the protest was eventually driven out of the school. That night, under threats and inducements from the authorities, Party Changxin's mother released a video asking the crowd "not to believe rumors" and "not to gather," to give her and her child peace. On the 7th, the authorities sent a large force of armed police to "clear the scene," dispersing all protesters, sealing off the area, and checking vehicles. The protesting crowd was subjected to brutal retaliation. As the crowd gradually returned home, scattered and isolated, premeditated police violence immediately followed, beating and arresting them. Streets and alleys filled with police cars and village patrols, and Pucheng fell into a state of terror. In short, under the brutal counterrevolutionary tactics of the authorities—threatening and诱ing family members and violently suppressing the masses—the struggle of the people of Pucheng was temporarily defeated.
Why does the school go to great lengths to cover up the cause of Party Changxin's death? Why does the authorities violently suppress the protests of the people of Pucheng?
The protests of the people of Pucheng triggered by Party Changxin's death are unprecedented in the local area in terms of size, intensity, and social impact. Why then do the schools and authorities choose not to make concessions to calm the situation? What interests are so great that they dare to cover up the cause of Party Changxin's death and the bloody suppression of protests?
Referred to as "gangster sister" and "Heilongjiang warlord" by netizens, Zhang Meiyu successfully "got on the boat" in 2022 and entered Heilongjiang Daqing Normal University
The purpose of the school is obvious: spreading news of campus bullying would ruin the school's reputation. Especially for Pucheng Vocational Education Center, a "national key, provincial demonstration secondary vocational school," this would greatly threaten their enrollment—since students and parents are their main source of income. However, the reason why Pucheng Vocational Education Center desperately covers up such an extreme bullying incident goes beyond this. In campus bullying, perpetrators are often either bureaucrats or bourgeois children, or those with excellent grades who are expected to rise into the bourgeois right-wing petty bourgeoisie, or their agents. Due to the influence of capitalist hierarchy, they develop cruel, extremely selfish, and pleasure in oppressing others. Their high economic and political status in capitalist society not only makes it easier to avoid consequences but also makes capitalist schools eager to curry favor with them. Many bullies are also bought and used by teachers, acting as enforcers or exercising disciplinary powers that teachers are reluctant to use directly, such as the notorious Zhang Meiyu, president of the Student Union at Heilongjiang Vocational College. The real behind-the-scenes culprits—teachers—turn a blind eye to their misconduct. Clearly, campus bullying reflects the oppression of the proletariat by the bourgeoisie within schools and is a supplement to the capitalist education system, impossible to eliminate under the current system. The masses demand punishment for bullies, which in fact means depriving teachers and bourgeois children of the power to do as they please in schools, something that capitalist schools cannot allow.
For the authorities, the situation is similar. Although the masses have not yet demanded any reforms of the existing system, their anger is fundamentally directed at the reactionary rule of the authorities. In Chinese society, workers have no rights; they are exploited and oppressed at will by the bourgeoisie, with no channels for justice. Although the authorities legally claim that the people have "the right to know," "advice," and "supervision" over police, courts, and prosecutors, in reality, these so-called rights are illusory. As in the Pucheng incident, the police blocked all information and destroyed all evidence, while the workers had no right to demand transparency. Moreover, under the coercion and suppression of the authorities, this case could not be reported to courts or prosecutors. Based on decades of counterrevolutionary experience, the authorities are "convinced that their surroundings are full of flammable materials; a tiny spark could cause a fire." [1] They know that any slight victory in protests or any concession to the people of Pucheng would inspire countless other victims of injustice to rise up. Once that happens, protests will spread nationwide. Therefore, the hypocritical authorities try to intimidate the masses: anyone daring to demand even minor reforms will face violent suppression and pay a heavy price!
In addition, the Pucheng incident is particularly notable for the large scale of mobilization and the intensity of protests, unprecedented in similar cases. This indicates that the authorities' usual methods of resolving such incidents—blocking news and intimidating—are no longer effective, forcing them to resort to armed suppression. Why is this? Generally, authorities only need to block information and intimidate parents and students to quell protests. Since students are typical petty bourgeoisie, although oppressed by capitalist schools, they still need a diploma—an "inspection certificate" granted by the bourgeoisie—to secure their future life of "less work, more money." They also want to maintain their parasitic lifestyle of not working and indulging. Their personal interests are too many to protect. When the school threatens their studies, most students are deterred; if the authorities send police, they are even more afraid. But in the Pucheng struggle, students—especially vocational students—stood at the forefront of the fight. Why? Because although vocational students are also students, most come from working-class families, and except for a few bourgeois or highly opportunistic individuals, they are destined to join the working class. Their economic status is similar to that of the lower petty bourgeoisie on the brink of bankruptcy. In fact, during the last year or more of their studies, most vocational students suffer from brutal exploitation called "internship," which is actually wage labor. Vocational schools often collude with factories, forcing students to accept extremely low wages and work without protections for over ten hours daily. This labor severely damages the bodies and minds of underage students—e.g., in November 2020, a student at Hanjiang Technology School in Danjiangkou, Hubei, committed suicide after enduring over 12 hours of night shifts; in February 2021, a student at Linwu County Vocational Middle School in Hunan had his right hand caught in machinery for an hour, resulting in fifth-degree injuries and amputation of his index and middle fingers. According to official statistics, in 2013, among 100,000 vocational internship students, about 78.65 suffered injuries, and about 4.69 died—three times the injury rate in industrial and mining enterprises [2].
Bullying incident at Hebi Technician College (the covered part below is bloodstains)>
It is under such heavy oppression that vocational school students and the working class have formed close ties, seeing more clearly the brutal exploitation of capitalism and the dark decadence of the bourgeoisie’s rule. Even students who have not yet participated in “internships” can often understand their own future predicament from upper-grade classmates. At the same time, because vocational students are the reserve army of the proletariat, the bourgeoisie’s only requirement for them is to become obedient wage slaves who master the most basic labor skills. Here, capitalist education tears off its veneer of warmth, exposing its true nature—“the purpose of educating these youths is to train slaves useful to the bourgeoisie, who can both create profits for the bourgeoisie and not disturb their peace and leisure”[3]. To “tame” students, vocational schools do not hesitate to use the most barbaric methods—“stick education”: In June 2024, a vocational school teacher in Laixi City, Shandong Province, repeatedly used wooden sticks, iron implements, and other forms of physical punishment and insulted students, even forcing students to smoke cigarettes dipped in urine[4]. In March 2023, Xiangning County Zhongshan Vocational and Technical School in Yueyang City, Hunan Province, was exposed for beating and insulting students, even colluding with barbaric “special training schools” to send the “most disobedient” students for inhumane abuse[5]. Moreover, besides teacher abuse, students often face equally cruel bullying from other students: In June 2023, Li Jingyan, a student at Beijing Municipal Political and Legal Vocational College, tried to stop bullying but was insulted by the perpetrators and later forced to withdraw from school[6]; in September 2024, Cui Mou from Hebi City, Henan Province, was hit on the head and back with a bench by student Wei Mou[7]; in November 2024, a female student at Hebi City Technical Secondary School was forced to kneel and slap herself, subjected to nakedness, kicked in the chest, and assaulted in private parts with chopsticks[8]… and many other bullying incidents are countless.
Under social discrimination, corporate exploitation, teacher abuse, and student bullying, vocational students are in the worst situation among students, thus most urgently demanding to change their condition, most sympathetic to the plight of the working class, and most possess a stubborn fighting spirit. In the Putian incident, vocational students used their brave actions to counter the slander of “vocational students are lowly,” proving that they are the most revolutionary hopeful class among students! Moreover, because vocational students have a deeper connection with the working class and laborers compared to ordinary students, the Putian incident did not turn into a “solo performance,” a “lone cry,” or an isolated student movement lacking mass support. As for the deeply oppressed laboring people, they also sympathize most with the oppressed: they see the grievances of a student as their own, traveling from afar to support the Putian masses’ struggle—students and the masses of people are thus spontaneously united, turning the protest into a grand and unprecedented movement. This is the real reason why the bourgeoisie was willing to deploy large police forces to brutally suppress Putian, even in a small county!
Reasons for the Failure of the Movement
But why did such a far-reaching mass movement ultimately fail? To answer this question, we must identify the contradictions running through the movement, thus determining its nature and ultimately the reasons for its failure. According to the principles of dialectical materialism, “every thing contains contradictions within itself; complex things contain multiple contradictions. The status and role of these contradictions in the development of the thing are unbalanced, and there is always one contradiction that plays a leading and decisive role, regulating or influencing the existence and development of other contradictions.”[9] Such a contradiction—the principal contradiction—in the Putian incident manifested as the contradiction between the proletarian and petty-bourgeois masses and the bourgeois bureaucratic class.
In the initial stage of the movement, the principal contradiction was between the family of Party Changxin and the school and bourgeois government—the family could not accept the brutal practices of the school and the bourgeois government, and they raised banners at the school gate demanding justice and truth. However, compared to the school closely linked with the government and the bourgeoisie’s propaganda machinery and violence agencies, the family’s strength was undoubtedly weak. At this point, the former occupied the main aspect of the principal contradiction. But once the protests by Party Changxin’s family began, they gained the sympathy of the broad proletariat and petty-bourgeois masses who hated the bourgeoisie’s rotten rule. Support for them rapidly expanded, pushing the demonstration to a climax between the 5th and 6th. By then, the main aspect of the principal contradiction had shifted from the school and bourgeois government to the much-empowered Party Changxin’s family and the masses.
However, since the sympathizers and supporters of Party Changxin’s family were mainly petty-bourgeois[10], and lacking revolutionary Marxist organizations or parties’ leadership, despite the heroic struggle of the masses, the Putian movement inevitably carried the weaknesses of petty-bourgeoisie—weakness and lack of organization and discipline—and ultimately failed: First, the movement lacked unified leadership, and thus could not establish a strong organization. When protests erupted, the masses gathered spontaneously and dispersed after police “clearing,” preventing full mobilization of their strength at the peak and making it impossible to organize a retreat or maintain some contact after repression. Second, the movement did not propose clear, politically meaningful slogans or programs capable of uniting more classes or strata, merely demanding “justice” and “truth,” thus limiting the protest’s scope to the campus and existing system. This was an important reason why the Putian movement did not receive support from other regions. In summary, these reasons caused the protests in Putian to become a “secret,” “isolated” movement. As the bourgeoisie’s counter-revolutionary tactics intensified, the Putian movement entered its third stage—the stage of suppression.
On January 6th, Party Mother released a video stating: “The relevant departments have now responded to my doubts one after another. I hope everyone will not believe rumors and gather at the school. Please leave my child and the school’s children in peace.”
The bourgeoisie, seeing the flames of the Putian incident burning brighter and brighter, hurriedly seized the still-growing influence of the protest, deploying their counter-revolutionary violence machine at full speed, mobilizing local forces to quell the movement in Putian, and not forgetting to use threats and inducements to force Party Changxin’s family to surrender. The most concentrated expression of the selfishness of petty-bourgeoisie is in the family of Party Changxin. Revolutionary mentor Engels pointed out: “This class, before perceiving any danger, always boasts, loves to talk pretty, and sometimes even insists on the most extreme positions verbally; but once faced with a small danger, it becomes timid as a mouse, cautious and evasive. When other classes seriously respond and participate in the movement it initiated, it appears terrified, hesitant, and wavering; once the situation develops to armed struggle, in order to preserve its petty-bourgeois survival, it is prepared to sell out the entire movement. Ultimately, due to its indecisiveness, if reactionaries win, it is especially deceived and humiliated.”[11]
Although Party Changxin’s family received selfless help from the masses, their eyes were actually looking upward. They did not fully trust the power of the people. When pressure was applied by the bourgeoisie, they bowed to “authority” and “force,” fearing that continued movement would bring “greater calamity” to themselves. So, during the climax on the 6th, when violent conflicts erupted between the masses and police, they disappeared and finally issued a “surrender letter” indicating their complete submission to the bourgeoisie. Moreover, their betrayal of the movement was not only due to their petty-bourgeois nature but also because of their position as oppressive parents within private families. In China’s Confucian society, children are ultimately just tools for the bourgeois parents—used to perpetuate family wealth, save face, and secure old age. When Party Changxin’s family learned of his accidental death, they were naturally grief-stricken, but this emotion was fundamentally “private love and hatred.” Therefore, when the bourgeoisie used intimidation or possibly promised “compensation” (rumored that the school or bourgeoisie offered 2 million yuan in “secret settlement”), the wrongful death of the child was worth less than their own “peace” and the money they might receive. Party Changxin’s family forgot the countless masses risking their lives and even being beaten and imprisoned by the police to seek justice for them, shedding hypocritical tears (probably counting the warm bills), and shamefully surrendered! Fortresses are most easily broken from within, and the actions of Party Changxin’s family dealt a heavy blow to the movement from behind—the fact that the family of the deceased no longer pursued the matter meant that the masses’ continued fight for truth and justice lost its “legitimacy” and “justification.” Would this not give the bourgeoisie an excuse to brutally suppress the movement?
Protests continued into the night at Zhengzhou Foxconn… Tens of thousands of people confronted armed police | International | CTWANT
Through the development process of the Putian incident and the analysis of its main contradictions, we know that: the fundamental reason for the failure of the movement lies in the fact that it was a spontaneous movement led by petty-bourgeois masses without the leadership of Marxist revolutionary organizations, characterized by petty-bourgeois narrowness and lack of organization and discipline. So, what are the characteristics of proletarian movements, even spontaneous ones? In November 2022, protests erupted at Foxconn in Zhengzhou, Henan. Faced with armed police, Foxconn workers remained calm, united, and performed their duties—advancing like a tidal wave to attack the police line repeatedly, forcing the police to retreat step by step; from afar, they picked up any weapons available to throw at the police, protecting their class brothers; on both sides, they recorded the struggle in real-time with their phones, expanding the influence of the event through all channels. The united struggle of Foxconn workers ultimately broke through the fascist blockade of the bourgeoisie, and together with the nationwide wave of protests, contributed to the disintegration of the national economic pandemic policy. However, spontaneous movements always have their insurmountable flaws: after breaking through the police encirclement, workers rushed to return home, because they underestimated the long-term and complex nature of the struggle, and when scanning QR codes to receive the so-called “travel expenses” provided by the bourgeoisie, they were locked down. As a result, when their strength was dispersed, they faced counterattack—frozen “travel expenses” and assigned “red codes,” leading many to be detained in “fangcang hospitals”! Moreover, the workers at Foxconn failed to establish a relatively lasting organization through their struggle.
It is clear that whether it is the Putian incident or the Zhengzhou Foxconn incident, the issues they reflect are none other than “the main contradiction in China’s revolution at present is the increasingly growing spontaneous revolutionary forces of the masses versus the serious lag in the development of revolutionary intellectuals and revolutionary organizations”[12]. Lenin pointed out: “Spontaneous movements... are precisely controlled by bourgeois ideology,” because “the source of bourgeois ideology is much older than that of socialist thought; it has undergone more comprehensive processing and possesses far more dissemination tools.”[13] To overcome the influence of petty-bourgeois ideology and the spontaneity of the movement, it is necessary to have the leadership of the proletarian vanguard— the Communist Party, armed with scientific theory: Before the movement starts, communists can conduct political disclosures, pointing out that the real murderer of Party Changxin is the capitalist education system, and that the oppression students face on campus is just a tiny part of the oppression under bourgeois fascist rule in China; at the start of the movement, communists can plan meticulously, organizing the masses into disciplined units, making it difficult for police to suppress; during police violence, communists can expose the reactionary face of the bourgeoisie, allowing the whole nation to see the heroic struggle of the Putian masses, thus triggering broader and larger protests; for Party Changxin’s family, communists can unite them while educating the masses to beware of their compromising tendencies, and once they truly surrender, immediately point out that they have fallen to the enemy, which is exactly the counter-revolutionary tactic played by the bourgeoisie. Even if Party Changxin’s family no longer demands the truth, we must continue to demand justice for the countless “Party Changxin” who died unjustly. Only by continuing the struggle can we truly eliminate the soil where such injustices grow; even if the movement has to retreat due to heavy blows from the enemy, communists can still manage to preserve the mass contacts established during the movement, guide the advanced elements among them onto the path of Marxism, and summarize the experience and lessons of the struggle, actively preparing for future struggles.
Does organizing the movement under the leadership of Marxist organizations, transforming spontaneous petty-bourgeois movements into conscious proletarian movements, mean excluding students and other petty-bourgeois elements? The answer is no. On the contrary, “The Road of China’s Future Revolution” points out: because petty-bourgeoisie is constantly collapsing under bourgeois oppression, the parts inclined toward the proletariat may become revolutionary allies, and the most outstanding among them have the opportunity to transform into revolutionary intellectuals and become members of the proletariat and its vanguard. It should also be noted that “petty-bourgeoisie itself is a contradiction; they are both full of resentment and hatred towards the capitalist society, yet still retain attachment and reluctance to the old bourgeois ideas, indulging in a life of spiritual opium to vent their dissatisfaction and anger.”[14] This contradictory state is especially evident among vocational school students. While brutally oppressed, teachers often give them “freedom” to indulge in spiritual opium. Many vocational students spend all day, from morning to night, from class to class, immersed in videos and games, drowning in the ocean of spiritual opium. This is the bourgeois trick—since vocational students are the reserve army of the working class, capitalist schools spare no effort to poison them with spiritual opium, instilling reactionary ideas, trying to turn them into hooligan proletarians, and through them, importing bourgeois ideology into the workers’ ranks. In many vocational schools, gangs of hooligans run rampant, prostitution and fights are common, some proletarian children are corrupted by bourgeois ideas, becoming shameful clients and bullies, and later, traitors to the bourgeoisie. Clearly, if there is a resolute struggle against bourgeois ideas, the part of vocational students’ thoughts opposing oppression will transform into extreme individualism and egoism that only oppose their own oppression but not others’. Under this ideology, so-called “resistance” is merely fascist violence “striking weaker targets”: the murderer Xu Jiajin in the Yixing High School murder case is a vivid example—after suffering brutal exploitation by the internship company and being blocked from graduation by the school, he did not rise up against the oppressors but wielded a butcher’s knife against eight innocent female students in the name of “revolution” and “socialism”! His extreme misogynist fascist male chauvinism was formed through daily indulgence in spiritual opium and obsession with pornographic images. The “Road of China’s Future Revolution” clearly states: “Petty-bourgeoisie must reform itself to become a useful class for revolution. To do so, they must free themselves from moral corruption.”[15] The process of ideological transformation of petty-bourgeoisie involves continuous labor reform and class struggle, learning Marxism-Leninism, participating in revolutionary collective activities, changing decadent lifestyles, gradually abandoning spiritual opium, and actively engaging in criticism and self-criticism. The impact of successful ideological reform is enormous, because petty-bourgeoisie “comes from old fortresses, sees the situation more clearly, and is easier to turn back and defeat the enemy”—they understand various forms of spiritual opium and bourgeois ideas very well, and after transforming their class stance and mastering Marxist scientific theory, they can analyze these thoroughly and help others still under the influence of spiritual opium. In today’s imperialist China, the number of students is extremely large—2023, China had 291 million students[16], comparable to the number of workers, and most of them will eventually join the ranks of the proletariat. If students can truly rally around the banner of Marxism and do “not defend their current interests, but their future interests”[17], the student movement will genuinely unite with the workers’ movement, forming a torrent to overthrow the bourgeois fascist rule!
Tomorrow of Putian and China
TomorrowAfter the brutal suppression of the Zhongxiu, the gloom seems to have once again shrouded Pucheng. However, the future of Pucheng and the entire China must be extremely bright. The Pucheng incident once again confirms the assertion in "The Road of Future Revolution in China"——"The masses have been increasingly aroused by the arrogance and tyranny of the Chinese imperialist government, and are stirred by the various ugly phenomena in Chinese capitalist society"[18]. At the same time, it also once again demonstrates that: Chinese workers, peasants, and the majority of petty bourgeoisie are a powerful revolutionary force. What they lack is only the leadership of the proletarian vanguard. Therefore, in the context of the rapid development of spontaneous mass movements, no revolutionary intellectual should be complacent, but should accelerate the study of revolutionary theory and the implementation of proletarianization, in order to quickly establish a truly revolutionary organization, stand up and lead the masses when the next "Party Changxin" tragedy occurs, turn their anger into conscious revolutionary action under the leadership of the vanguard, and ultimately overthrow the reactionary rule of Zhongxiu. Today, the government has issued notices, blocked the internet, and suppressed the masses, believing that everything is fine, and the "order" and "peace" in Pucheng have been restored. However, this is merely a foolish delusion——
"You foolish slaves! Your 'order' is built on quicksand. Tomorrow, the revolution will rise again 'amid the sharpening of blades and the sound of guns,' sounding the horn that will make you panic and lose your composure, declaring: I have been here, I am here again, and I will come again!" [19]
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Lenin: "183 Students Sent to the Army," Complete Works of Lenin, Vol. IV, First Chinese Edition, People's Publishing House, 1958. ↑
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China Education News: "Risks in Vocational School Internships: The Tragedy of System Implementation," http://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/2015-03/05/c_127546411.htm. ↑
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Lenin: "The Tasks of the Youth League," Selected Works of Lenin, Vol. IV, Second Chinese Edition, People's Publishing House, 1972. ↑
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Zhang Jiaxin: "Vocational School Class Teacher Uses Urine to Dip Cigarettes, Abuses and Beats Multiple Students and Is Detained," https://news.china.com/socialgd/10000169/20240605/46646722.html. ↑
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Beast Tower: "The Metamorphosis," https://chinadigitaltimes.net/chinese/694057.html. ↑
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Da Chuan: "Is Criticism and Education the Final Solution? After Li Jingyan Dropped Out, He Caught Crabs, Netizens: 'Pincers' Walk Sideways," https://www.163.com/dy/article/IAMN7C850534R48K.html. ↑
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Shenzhen News Network: "Henan Vocational School Student Hit Multiple Times with Bench? Official: No Deaths," https://news.qq.com/rain/a/20240929A09O9700. ↑
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The Paper: "Hebei 16-Year-Old Girl Bullied Continues: Principal and Others Disciplinary Actions, Students Involved Expelled," https://m.cyol.com/gb/articles/2022-11/23/content_36p8mtz9P.html. ↑
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Although lacking direct evidence, we can still judge based on existing information that most of the participating demonstrators belong to the petty bourgeoisie: (1) The important participants in the movement, vocational school students, are petty bourgeoisie; (2) According to the results of the Seventh National Census (2020), the urban population of Pucheng County is 290,039, accounting for 43.77% of the permanent population; the rural population is 372,564, accounting for 56.23%. It can be seen that rural small producers constitute the majority in Pucheng County, and there are also many "individual business operators" in the towns; (3) Although Pucheng County's industry has developed in recent years, with the "second industry" proportion in the county's GDP increasing year by year, many employed workers are likely directly transformed from farmers, and their petty production ideas remain stubborn. ↑
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Engels: "The Movement to Defend the Imperial Constitution in Germany," Marx & Engels Complete Works, Vol. VII, First Chinese Edition, People's Publishing House, 1959. ↑
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Fenghuo Flame: "The Road of Future Revolution in China," Second Edition, Fourth Draft. ↑
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Lenin: "What Is to Be Done?", Selected Works of Lenin, Vol. V, First Chinese Edition, People's Publishing House, 1959. ↑
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Fenghuo Flame: "The Road of Future Revolution in China," Second Edition, Fourth Draft. ↑
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Same as above. ↑
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China Education Online: "Ministry of Education: In 2023, the total number of students in schools nationwide is 291 million, a decrease of 1.5126 million from the previous year," https://news.eol.cn/meeting/202403/t20240301_2560903.shtml. ↑
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Marx & Engels: "The Communist Manifesto," Marx & Engels Complete Works, Vol. IV, First Chinese Edition, People's Publishing House, 1958. ↑
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Fenghuo Flame: "The Road of Future Revolution in China," Second Edition, Fourth Draft. ↑
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Rosa Luxemburg: "Berlin Orderly." ↑
