Originally published at: 如今缅甸黑地狱，何时太阳照山河 – 曙光 Now Myanmar is a land of darkness, when will the sun shine on the mountains and rivers
Editorial Department of the League of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Proletariat
Editorial Board of League of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Proletariat
Thunder on the Plain, Myanmar's Telecom Fraud Returns to Public Attention
By the end of 2023, reports about the Chinese revisionist government’s crackdown on the “Four Major Families” of Myanmar’s telecom fraud flooded the media, once making the fact that “large criminal gangs are rampant on China’s border” a widely known hot topic. According to major media and public exposure, a large number of “telecom fraud groups” based in northern Myanmar’s Kokang, Wa State, and other regions engaged in heinous crimes such as human trafficking—using their armed forces and wealth to establish numerous “telecom fraud parks” along the China-Myanmar border, luring victims into these parks with various deceptive tricks. Once inside, victims immediately lose their personal freedom, are detained, beaten, insulted, and subjected to both mental and physical torture. Subsequently, these human traffickers threaten victims by cutting off food supplies, forcing them to participate in telecom fraud work. If their performance does not meet targets, the previous insults, detention, and torture are immediately repeated. Moreover, these traffickers send bloody videos of their torture to the victims’ families, demanding a huge ransom to “rescue” their loved ones. However, even if the families sell everything they have and pay exorbitant ransoms, they often cannot save their relatives’ lives, and may never see their bodies. The brutal executioners of the telecom fraud gangs, even when they see that victims are no longer profitable, refuse to let them go alive. They often beat victims to death, drain their blood, remove their organs for sale, or even perform live organ harvesting. These parks are like Nazi concentration camps, not only desperately extracting every drop of blood from victims but also bleeding their families dry, as if “peeling off several layers of skin.”
Faced with such horrific crimes, the Chinese revisionist central and local governments have proclaimed slogans like “No clearance of telecom fraud, no ceasefire,” deploying large numbers of military police for “China-Myanmar joint law enforcement.” This so-called joint law enforcement operation continued until 2024, arresting tens of thousands of suspects, including several key leaders of the “Four Major Families” of Myanmar’s telecom fraud gangs. Subsequently, the Chinese revisionist authorities claimed that “all Myanmar telecom fraud parks have been eradicated,” and related information on Myanmar’s telecom fraud immediately disappeared from the internet, leaving behind only boasts of the Chinese revisionist government’s transnational law enforcement achievements.
However, by December 30, 2024, the Wenzhou People's Procuratorate in Zhejiang Province filed public prosecution against one of the leaders of the Ming family group, one of the “Four Major Families” in northern Myanmar, preparing to hold a grand court trial to declare a complete victory in this crackdown. Just as the Chinese revisionist government was about to record “nothing happened today” in its diary and use “prosecution” to dispel public worries and doubts about telecom fraud, a newly exposed “Myanmar scam” case caused a fierce reaction in Chinese society.
On January 5, 2025, actor Wang Xing’s girlfriend posted on social media seeking help, claiming that Wang Xing had gone to Thailand for filming but went missing around noon on January 3 at the China-Myanmar border. Many actors reposted this plea, attracting widespread attention. Initially, the Chinese revisionist government showed no concern for this obscure case of a minor actor being trafficked into a scam park. However, after seeing the news, many victims’ families, out of sympathy and anger towards the telecom fraud gangs, came forward to support Wang Xing’s girlfriend and expose the evil of Myanmar’s telecom fraud. Within just four days, the news of Wang Xing’s deception spread widely, causing a huge public outcry—reaching 1,347,282 related comments on the internet, with more than 502,461 related posts on Weibo by January 8.
[1]Suddenly, the Chinese revisionist government found itself in an awkward situation: it had not yet cleaned up the battlefield in northern Myanmar, yet “Myanmar telecom fraud” was trending again. The series of incidents rekindled the powder keg of “Myanmar telecom fraud.” Netizens and victims’ families realized that telecom fraud was not as thoroughly eradicated as the Chinese revisionist government claimed, and that the gangs along the China-Myanmar border had never stopped their evil activities. After several rounds of removing related discussions from media hot searches, the government found it impossible to silence public opinion or suppress the outrage. Under pressure from the people, the Chinese revisionist government had to cooperate with Thai police to rescue Wang Xing.
Wang Xing’s frightened expression after being released
On January 7, the Miao Wadi scam park released Wang Xing, only four days after he was trafficked into the park. His terrified face, scarred legs, and shaven head remind people that this scam park on the China-Myanmar border is just as hellish as those in northern Myanmar. On the other hand, the “speed” of Wang Xing’s rescue also made many realize that for those without background or wealth, the Chinese revisionist government is not “unable to save,” but “unwilling to save.”
Some victims’ families were deceived by the government’s superficial efforts to rescue Wang Xing—they seemed to see a faint glimmer of false hope from the state. So, the day after Wang Xing’s release, they spontaneously created the “Stars Return Home Plan” document to record information about victims trapped in Myanmar. In just over two days, over 1,500 victims’ information was logged. Many posted short videos on Douyin and messages on Weibo, hoping the Chinese revisionist government would launch another thunderous crackdown to defend the people’s lives and help their families escape suffering.
However, the response from the Chinese revisionist government was to shut down the QQ groups that created the document, ban the document, and suppress the event’s visibility, trying to silence their voices. After Wang Xing left with the words “Thailand is safe, I will come again if I have the chance,” he boarded a safe plane back to his homeland. Yet, the vast number of victims still suffering in misery remain unheard. The Chinese revisionist government loudly proclaims “severely cracking down on telecom and online fraud,” but at the same time, it extends its dark hand to the truly suffering people—using bans and silence to declare to the world that the people’s wishes are never their governing priority.
The reason why the Chinese revisionist government will never truly implement its verbal promises or protect the interests of the people is because the ruling clique itself is the biggest behind-the-scenes culprit behind the emergence and growth of Myanmar’s telecom fraud gangs.
Victims voluntarily created the “Stars Return Home Plan” document
Unmasking the true culprit of imperialist invasion
“Cross-border telecom fraud” is actually a bloody crime activity spawned by the bourgeoisie monopoly capitalists during their colonization of third-world countries. In the imperialist era, the inherent chaos and anarchy of capitalist production were further intensified. Monopoly replaced free competition, but monopoly did not eliminate competition—instead, it made it more fierce—conflicts and struggles existed within monopolistic organizations, among monopolistic groups, and between monopolistic enterprises and non-monopolistic ones. They fought fiercely over markets, raw materials, expanding monopolistic power, and controlling certain economic sectors or regions. Meanwhile, within imperialist countries, the “paying capacity” of the working people shrank day by day, and mass struggles arose one after another. Therefore, colonies that could plunder cheap raw materials, extract high monopoly profits, dump goods, and divert domestic conflicts became the essential conditions for imperialist survival.
After nearly fifty years of capitalist restoration, China’s revisionist regime has become the world’s second-largest imperialist power. As the three major contradictions of the imperialist era intensify, their ambitions to seize colonies rapidly expand. Under the guise of the “Belt and Road” initiative, China seeks its own colonies worldwide, and Myanmar, rich in resources and well-connected, has become one of its key targets in Southeast Asia.
Myanmar possesses abundant rare metal resources such as tin, tungsten, gold, and silver, as well as large quantities of oil, natural gas, and rubber. Its strategic location makes it a springboard for China’s imperialist expansion into South Asia: bordering China to the northeast, India and Bangladesh to the northwest, Laos and Thailand to the southeast, and facing the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea to the southwest. Once “taken over,” the gateway to the Indian Ocean will be fully opened. Additionally, Myanmar’s population of over 54 million makes it an important market for China’s expanding exports.
Since the beginning of this century, China has intensified its export of goods and capital to Myanmar, with a nearly double-digit annual growth rate in trade surplus. Using the “poppy substitution planting” as a pretext, China has expanded its capital in agriculture, aiming to turn Myanmar into a low-cost agricultural product production base. Since the official proposal of the “Belt and Road” initiative in 2013, China has heavily invested in infrastructure projects in Myanmar under the guise of “aid construction,” such as building the China-Myanmar oil and gas pipelines, laying transportation corridors, and laying the groundwork for larger-scale exports of goods and capital, further deepening colonial control over Myanmar.
Myanmar has a complex political situation as a semi-colonial, semi-feudal country. Historically, it has long been invaded by imperialist powers (mainly British imperialism). The colonizers implemented “divide and conquer” policies, artificially restricting the economic and political ties among Myanmar’s ethnic groups, and bribing the upper classes of minority ethnic groups to maintain their rule. These minority elites, supported by imperialism, formed armed forces and promoted division. The proletariat in Myanmar has never completed a new democratic revolution under the leadership of a communist party, resulting in long-standing, sharp, and complex ethnic and class contradictions. Locally, puppet forces supported by imperialist countries hold military power and fight among themselves; at the central government level, the “National Democratic Alliance” led by Aung San Suu Kyi and the “Myanmar Defense Forces” led by Min Aung Hlaing vie for power. The contradictions among comprador bourgeoisie factions within the central government, between the central government and regional armed forces, among regional armed forces themselves, and among imperialist powers invading Myanmar, converge within Myanmar, leading to unprecedented political fragmentation—Myanmar is already divided into more than a dozen de facto regimes. This chaos has created numerous “no-man’s land” areas within Myanmar and along its borders with Thailand and China, providing opportunities for Chinese revisionists to intervene.
Thus, many Chinese capitalists, who originally relied on gambling, drug trafficking, human trafficking, and other vile means, under the call of the Chinese revisionist regime and the favorable conditions it created[2], began to stir, becoming the vanguard of Chinese colonialism in Myanmar. They colluded with warlords controlling border areas, bribing them with large sums to obtain sites for telecom fraud activities and armed support to suppress victims and local populations. With the tacit approval and support of the Chinese revisionist government, they act recklessly and domineeringly.
The earliest to enter the China-Myanmar border and establish the world’s largest scam parks was the black industry figure She Zhi Jiang, a representative of these Chinese revisionist colonial puppets. She Zhi Jiang made his fortune by running online gambling websites, earning 2.2 billion yuan from casino operations, and was wanted and convicted in absentia by the Chinese authorities, becoming a “fugitive.” However, shortly after, he transformed himself, joining the Chinese security ministry as an external agent (later even becoming vice president of the Chinese Overseas Chinese Business Association with official backing). In 2017, seeing the opportunity of the “China-Myanmar Economic Corridor,” he changed his name to Tang Lunkai and became a Cambodian citizen. Later, he entered Myanmar, bribed local warlord Su Qi Du with $300,000, and obtained development rights for the “Shui Gou Gu Special Zone,” beginning construction of telecom fraud parks.
Similarly, Macau mafia boss Yin Guoju also actively planned the construction of telecom fraud parks with Chinese support, colluding with minority armed groups such as the “Democratic Kachin Buddhist Army.” Shortly after establishing the Shui Gou Gu scam park, he obtained the development rights for the Saisi Port in Myanmar. Soon after, the notorious KK park also emerged under similar circumstances.
She Zhi Jiang openly stated: “Under the ‘Belt and Road’ initiative, overseas Chinese businessmen’s economy and the ‘Belt and Road’ are mutually dependent and interdependent.” The heinous capitalists can easily establish large-scale “telecom fraud” parks because the Chinese revisionist government has always been their strongest backer.
Before this telecom fraud incident was brought to the forefront, there was a large amount of black propaganda on Chinese internet claiming that these parks were “models of ‘Belt and Road’ cooperation.”
Unmasking the true culprit of imperialist invasion
“Cross-border telecom fraud” is actually a bloody crime activity born out of the bloodthirsty activities of bourgeois monopoly capitalists during their colonization of third-world countries. In the imperialist era, the inherent chaos and anarchy of capitalist production were further intensified. Monopoly replaced free competition, but monopoly did not eliminate competition—instead, it intensified it—conflicts and struggles existed within monopolistic organizations, among monopolistic groups, and between monopolistic and non-monopolistic enterprises. They fought fiercely over markets, raw materials, expanding monopolistic power, and controlling certain economic sectors or regions. Meanwhile, within imperialist countries, the “paying capacity” of the working people shrank daily, and mass struggles arose one after another. Colonies that could plunder cheap raw materials, extract high monopoly profits, dump goods, and divert domestic conflicts became the essential conditions for imperialist survival.
After nearly fifty years of capitalist restoration, China’s revisionist regime has become the world’s second-largest imperialist power. As the three major contradictions of the imperialist era intensify, their ambitions to seize colonies rapidly expand. Under the guise of the “Belt and Road” initiative, China seeks its own colonies worldwide, and Myanmar, rich in resources and well-connected, has become one of its key targets in Southeast Asia.
Myanmar possesses abundant rare metal resources such as tin, tungsten, gold, and silver, as well as large quantities of oil, natural gas, and rubber. Its strategic location makes it a springboard for China’s imperialist expansion into South Asia: bordering China to the northeast, India and Bangladesh to the northwest, Laos and Thailand to the southeast, and facing the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea to the southwest. Once “taken over,” the gateway to the Indian Ocean will be fully opened. Additionally, Myanmar’s population of over 54 million makes it an important market for China’s expanding exports.
Since the beginning of this century, China has intensified its export of goods and capital to Myanmar, with a nearly double-digit annual growth rate in trade surplus. Using the “poppy substitution planting” as a pretext, China has expanded its capital in agriculture, aiming to turn Myanmar into a low-cost agricultural product production base. Since the official proposal of the “Belt and Road” initiative in 2013, China has heavily invested in infrastructure projects in Myanmar under the guise of “aid construction,” such as building the China-Myanmar oil and gas pipelines, laying transportation corridors, and laying the groundwork for larger-scale exports of goods and capital, further deepening colonial control over Myanmar.
Myanmar has a complex political situation as a semi-colonial, semi-feudal country. Historically, it has long been invaded by imperialist powers (mainly British imperialism). The colonizers implemented “divide and conquer” policies, artificially restricting the economic and political ties among Myanmar’s ethnic groups, and bribing the upper classes of minority ethnic groups to maintain their rule. These minority elites, supported by imperialism, formed armed forces and promoted division. The proletariat in Myanmar has never completed a new democratic revolution under the leadership of a communist party, resulting in long-standing, sharp, and complex ethnic and class contradictions. Locally, puppet forces supported by imperialist countries hold military power and fight among themselves; at the central government level, the “National Democratic Alliance” led by Aung San Suu Kyi and the “Myanmar Defense Forces” led by Min Aung Hlaing vie for power. The contradictions among comprador bourgeoisie factions within the central government, between the central government and regional armed forces, among regional armed forces themselves, and among imperialist powers invading Myanmar, converge within Myanmar, leading to unprecedented political fragmentation—Myanmar is already divided into more than a dozen de facto regimes. This chaos has created numerous “no-man’s land” areas within Myanmar and along its borders with Thailand and China, providing opportunities for Chinese revisionists to intervene.
Thus, many Chinese capitalists, who originally relied on gambling, drug trafficking, human trafficking, and other vile means, under the call of the Chinese revisionist regime and the favorable conditions it created[2], began to stir, becoming the vanguard of Chinese colonialism in Myanmar. They colluded with warlords controlling border areas, bribing them with large sums to obtain sites for telecom fraud activities and armed support to suppress victims and local populations. With the tacit approval and support of the Chinese revisionist government, they act recklessly and domineeringly.
The earliest to enter the China-Myanmar border and establish the world’s largest scam parks was the black industry figure She Zhi Jiang, a representative of these Chinese revisionist colonial puppets. She Zhi Jiang made his fortune by running online gambling websites, earning 2.2 billion yuan from casino operations, and was wanted and convicted in absentia by the Chinese authorities, becoming a “fugitive.” However, shortly after, he transformed himself, joining the Chinese security ministry as an external agent (later even becoming vice president of the Chinese Overseas Chinese Business Association with official backing). In 2017, seeing the opportunity of the “China-Myanmar Economic Corridor,” he changed his name to Tang Lunkai and became a Cambodian citizen. Later, he entered Myanmar, bribed local warlord Su Qi Du with $300,000, and obtained development rights for the “Shui Gou Gu Special Zone,” beginning construction of telecom fraud parks.
Similarly, Macau mafia boss Yin Guoju also actively planned the construction of telecom fraud parks with Chinese support, colluding with minority armed groups such as the “Democratic Kachin Buddhist Army.” Shortly after establishing the Shui Gou Gu scam park, he obtained the development rights for the Saisi Port in Myanmar. Soon after, the notorious KK park also emerged under similar circumstances.
She Zhi Jiang openly stated: “Under the ‘Belt and Road’ initiative, overseas Chinese businessmen’s economy and the ‘Belt and Road’ are mutually dependent and interdependent.” The heinous capitalists can easily establish large-scale “telecom fraud” parks because the Chinese revisionist government has always been their strongest backer.
Before this telecom fraud incident was brought to the forefront, there was a large amount of black propaganda on Chinese internet claiming that these parks were “models of ‘Belt and Road’ cooperation.”
Unmasking the true culprit of imperialist invasion
“Cross-border telecom fraud” is actually a bloody crime activity born out of the bloodthirsty activities of bourgeois monopoly capitalists during their colonization of third-world countries. In the imperialist era, the inherent chaos and anarchy of capitalist production were further intensified. Monopoly replaced free competition, but monopoly did not eliminate competition—instead, it intensified it—conflicts and struggles existed within monopolistic organizations, among monopolistic groups, and between monopolistic and non-monopolistic enterprises. They fought fiercely over markets, raw materials, expanding monopolistic power, and controlling certain economic sectors or regions. Meanwhile, within imperialist countries, the “paying capacity” of the working people shrank day by day, and mass struggles arose one after another. Colonies that could plunder cheap raw materials, extract high monopoly profits, dump goods, and divert domestic conflicts became the essential conditions for imperialist survival.
After nearly fifty years of capitalist restoration, China’s revisionist regime has become the world’s second-largest imperialist power. As the three major contradictions of the imperialist era intensify, their ambitions to seize colonies rapidly expand. Under the guise of the “Belt and Road” initiative, China seeks its own colonies worldwide, and Myanmar, rich in resources and well-connected, has become one of its key targets in Southeast Asia.
Myanmar possesses abundant rare metal resources such as tin, tungsten, gold, and silver, as well as large quantities of oil, natural gas, and rubber. Its strategic location makes it a springboard for China’s imperialist expansion into South Asia: bordering China to the northeast, India and Bangladesh to the northwest, Laos and Thailand to the southeast, and facing the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea to the southwest. Once “taken over,” the gateway to the Indian Ocean will be fully opened. Additionally, Myanmar’s population of over 54 million makes it an important market for China’s expanding exports.
Since the beginning of this century, China has intensified its export of goods and capital to Myanmar, with a nearly double-digit annual growth rate in trade surplus. Using the “poppy substitution planting” as a pretext, China has expanded its capital in agriculture, aiming to turn Myanmar into a low-cost agricultural product production base. Since the official proposal of the “Belt and Road” initiative in 2013, China has heavily invested in infrastructure projects in Myanmar under the guise of “aid construction,” such as building the China-Myanmar oil and gas pipelines, laying transportation corridors, and laying the groundwork for larger-scale exports of goods and capital, further deepening colonial control over Myanmar.
Myanmar has a complex political situation as a semi-colonial, semi-feudal country. Historically, it has long been invaded by imperialist powers (mainly British imperialism). The colonizers implemented “divide and conquer” policies, artificially restricting the economic and political ties among Myanmar’s ethnic groups, and bribing the upper classes of minority ethnic groups to maintain their rule. These minority elites, supported by imperialism, formed armed forces and promoted division. The proletariat in Myanmar has never completed a new democratic revolution under the leadership of a communist party, resulting in long-standing, sharp, and complex ethnic and class contradictions. Locally, puppet forces supported by imperialist countries hold military power and fight among themselves; at the central government level, the “National Democratic Alliance” led by Aung San Suu Kyi and the “Myanmar Defense Forces” led by Min Aung Hlaing vie for power. The contradictions among comprador bourgeoisie factions within the central government, between the central government and regional armed forces, among regional armed forces themselves, and among imperialist powers invading Myanmar, converge within Myanmar, leading to unprecedented political fragmentation—Myanmar is already divided into more than a dozen de facto regimes. This chaos has created numerous “no-man’s land” areas within Myanmar and along its borders with Thailand and China, providing opportunities for Chinese revisionists to intervene.
Thus, many Chinese capitalists, who originally relied on gambling, drug trafficking, human trafficking, and other vile means, under the call of the Chinese revisionist regime and the favorable conditions it created[2], began to stir, becoming the vanguard of Chinese colonialism in Myanmar. They colluded with warlords controlling border areas, bribing them with large sums to obtain sites for telecom fraud activities and armed support to suppress victims and local populations. With the tacit approval and support of the Chinese revisionist government, they act recklessly and domineeringly.
The earliest to enter the China-Myanmar border and establish the world’s largest scam parks was the black industry figure She Zhi Jiang, a representative of these Chinese revisionist colonial puppets. She Zhi Jiang made his fortune by running online gambling websites, earning 2.2 billion yuan from casino operations, and was wanted and convicted in absentia by the Chinese authorities, becoming a “fugitive.” However, shortly after, he transformed himself, joining the Chinese security ministry as an external agent (later even becoming vice president of the Chinese Overseas Chinese Business Association with official backing). In 2017, seeing the opportunity of the “China-Myanmar Economic Corridor,” he changed his name to Tang Lunkai and became a Cambodian citizen. Later, he entered Myanmar, bribed local warlord Su Qi Du with $300,000, and obtained development rights for the “Shui Gou Gu Special Zone,” beginning construction of telecom fraud parks.
Similarly, Macau mafia boss Yin Guoju also actively planned the construction of telecom fraud parks with Chinese support, colluding with minority armed groups such as the “Democratic Kachin Buddhist Army.” Shortly after establishing the Shui Gou Gu scam park, he obtained the development rights for the Saisi Port in Myanmar. Soon after, the notorious KK park also emerged under similar circumstances.
She Zhi Jiang openly stated: “Under the ‘Belt and Road’ initiative, overseas Chinese businessmen’s economy and the ‘Belt and Road’ are mutually dependent and interdependent.” The heinous capitalists can easily establish large-scale “telecom fraud” parks because the Chinese revisionist government has always been their strongest backer.
Before this telecom fraud incident was brought to the forefront, there was a large amount of black propaganda on Chinese internet claiming that these parks were “models of ‘Belt and Road’ cooperation.”
Unmasking the true culprit of imperialist invasion
“Cross-border telecom fraud” is actually a bloody crime activity born out of the bloodthirsty activities of bourgeois monopoly capitalists during their colonization of third-world countries. In the imperialist era, the inherent chaos and anarchy of capitalist production were further intensified. Monopoly replaced free competition, but monopoly did not eliminate competition—instead, it intensified it—conflicts and struggles existed within monopolistic organizations, among monopolistic groups, and between monopolistic and non-monopolistic enterprises. They fought fiercely over markets, raw materials, expanding monopolistic power, and controlling certain economic sectors or regions. Meanwhile, within imperialist countries, the “paying capacity” of the working people shrank day by day, and mass struggles arose one after another. Colonies that could plunder cheap raw materials, extract high monopoly profits, dump goods, and divert domestic conflicts became the essential conditions for imperialist survival.
After nearly fifty years of capitalist restoration, China’s revisionist regime has become the world’s second-largest imperialist power. As the three major contradictions of the imperialist era intensify, their ambitions to seize colonies rapidly expand. Under the guise of the “Belt and Road” initiative, China seeks its own colonies worldwide, and Myanmar, rich in resources and well-connected, has become one of its key targets in Southeast Asia.
Myanmar possesses abundant rare metal resources such as tin, tungsten, gold, and silver, as well as large quantities of oil, natural gas, and rubber. Its strategic location makes it a springboard for China’s imperialist expansion into South Asia: bordering China to the northeast, India and Bangladesh to the northwest, Laos and Thailand to the southeast, and facing the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea to the southwest. Once “taken over,” the gateway to the Indian Ocean will be fully opened. Additionally, Myanmar’s population of over 54 million makes it an important market for China’s expanding exports.
Since the beginning of this century, China has intensified its export of goods and capital to Myanmar, with a nearly double-digit annual growth rate in trade surplus. Using the “poppy substitution planting” as a pretext, China has expanded its capital in agriculture, aiming to turn Myanmar into a low-cost agricultural product production base. Since the official proposal of the “Belt and Road” initiative in 2013, China has heavily invested in infrastructure projects in Myanmar under the guise of “aid construction,” such as building the China-Myanmar oil and gas pipelines, laying transportation corridors, and laying the groundwork for larger-scale exports of goods and capital, further deepening colonial control over Myanmar.
Myanmar has a complex political situation as a semi-colonial, semi-feudal country. Historically, it has long been invaded by imperialist powers (mainly British imperialism). The colonizers implemented “divide and conquer” policies, artificially restricting the economic and political ties among Myanmar’s ethnic groups, and bribing the upper classes of minority ethnic groups to maintain their rule. These minority elites, supported by imperialism, formed armed forces and promoted division. The proletariat in Myanmar has never completed a new democratic revolution under the leadership of a communist party, resulting in long-standing, sharp, and complex ethnic and class contradictions. Locally, puppet forces supported by imperialist countries hold military power and fight among themselves; at the central government level, the “National Democratic Alliance” led by Aung San Suu Kyi and the “Myanmar Defense Forces” led by Min Aung Hlaing vie for power. The contradictions among comprador bourgeoisie factions within the central government, between the central government and regional armed forces, among regional armed forces themselves, and among imperialist powers invading Myanmar, converge within Myanmar, leading to unprecedented political fragmentation—Myanmar is already divided into more than a dozen de facto regimes. This chaos has created numerous “no-man’s land” areas within Myanmar and along its borders with Thailand and China, providing opportunities for Chinese revisionists to intervene.
Thus, many Chinese capitalists, who originally relied on gambling, drug trafficking, human trafficking, and other vile means, under the call of the Chinese revisionist regime and the favorable conditions it created[2], began to stir, becoming the vanguard of Chinese colonialism in Myanmar. They colluded with warlords controlling border areas, bribing them with large sums to obtain sites for telecom fraud activities and armed support to suppress victims and local populations. With the tacit approval and support of the Chinese revisionist government, they act recklessly and domineeringly.
The earliest to enter the China-Myanmar border and establish the world’s largest scam parks was the black industry figure She Zhi Jiang, a representative of these Chinese revisionist colonial puppets. She Zhi Jiang made his fortune by running online gambling websites, earning 2.2 billion yuan from casino operations, and was wanted and convicted in absentia by the Chinese authorities, becoming a “fugitive.” However, shortly after, he transformed himself, joining the Chinese security ministry as an external agent (later even becoming vice president of the Chinese Overseas Chinese Business Association with official backing). In 2017, seeing the opportunity of the “China-Myanmar Economic Corridor,” he changed his name to Tang Lunkai and became a Cambodian citizen. Later, he entered Myanmar, bribed local warlord Su Qi Du with $300,000, and obtained development rights for the “Shui Gou Gu Special Zone,” beginning construction of telecom fraud parks.
Similarly, Macau mafia boss Yin Guoju also actively planned the construction of telecom fraud parks with Chinese support, colluding with minority armed groups such as the “Democratic Kachin Buddhist Army.” Shortly after establishing the Shui Gou Gu scam park, he obtained the development rights for the Saisi Port in Myanmar. Soon after, the notorious KK park also emerged under similar circumstances.
She Zhi Jiang openly stated: “Under the ‘Belt and Road’ initiative, overseas Chinese businessmen’s economy and the ‘Belt and Road’ are mutually dependent and interdependent.” The heinous capitalists can easily establish large-scale “telecom fraud” parks because the Chinese revisionist government has always been their strongest backer.
Before this telecom fraud incident was brought to the forefront, there was a large amount of black propaganda on Chinese internet claiming that these parks were “models of ‘Belt and Road’ cooperation.”
Unmasking the true culprit of imperialist invasion
“Cross-border telecom fraud” is actually a bloody crime activity born out of the bloodthirsty activities of bourgeois monopoly capitalists during their colonization of third-world countries. In the imperialist era, the inherent chaos and anarchy of capitalist production were further intensified. Monopoly replaced free competition, but monopoly did not eliminate competition—instead, it intensified it—conflicts and struggles existed within monopolistic organizations, among monopolistic groups, and between monopolistic and non-monopolistic enterprises. They fought fiercely over markets, raw materials, expanding monopolistic power, and controlling certain economic sectors or regions. Meanwhile, within imperialist countries, the “paying capacity” of the working people shrank day by day, and mass struggles arose one after another. Colonies that could plunder cheap raw materials, extract high monopoly profits, dump goods, and divert domestic conflicts became the essential conditions for imperialist survival.
After nearly fifty years of capitalist restoration, China’s revisionist regime has become the world’s second-largest imperialist power. As the three major contradictions of the imperialist era intensify, their ambitions to seize colonies rapidly expand. Under the guise of the “Belt and Road” initiative, China seeks its own colonies worldwide, and Myanmar, rich in resources and well-connected, has become one of its key targets in Southeast Asia.
Myanmar possesses abundant rare metal resources such as tin, tungsten, gold, and silver, as well as large quantities of oil, natural gas, and rubber. Its strategic location makes it a springboard for China’s imperialist expansion into South Asia: bordering China to the northeast, India and Bangladesh to the northwest, Laos and Thailand to the southeast, and facing the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea to the southwest. Once “taken over,” the gateway to the Indian Ocean will be fully opened. Additionally, Myanmar’s population of over 54 million makes it an important market for China’s expanding exports.
Since the beginning of this century, China has intensified its export of goods and capital to Myanmar, with a nearly double-digit annual growth rate in trade surplus. Using the “poppy substitution planting” as a pretext, China has expanded its capital in agriculture, aiming to turn Myanmar into a low-cost agricultural product production base. Since the official proposal of the “Belt and Road” initiative in 2013, China has heavily invested in infrastructure projects in Myanmar under the guise of “aid construction,” such as building the China-Myanmar oil and gas pipelines, laying transportation corridors, and laying the groundwork for larger-scale exports of goods and capital, further deepening colonial control over Myanmar.
Myanmar has a complex political situation as a semi-colonial, semi-feudal country. Historically, it has long been invaded by imperialist powers (mainly British imperialism). The colonizers implemented “divide and conquer” policies, artificially restricting the economic and political ties among Myanmar’s ethnic groups, and bribing the upper classes of minority ethnic groups to maintain their rule. These minority elites, supported by imperialism, formed armed forces and promoted division. The proletariat in Myanmar has never completed a new democratic revolution under the leadership of a communist party, resulting in long-standing, sharp, and complex ethnic and class contradictions. Locally, puppet forces supported by imperialist countries hold military power and fight among themselves; at the central government level, the “National Democratic Alliance” led by Aung San Suu Kyi and the “Myanmar Defense Forces” led by Min Aung Hlaing vie for power. The contradictions among comprador bourgeoisie factions within the central government, between the central government and regional armed forces, among regional armed forces themselves, and among imperialist powers invading Myanmar, converge within Myanmar, leading to unprecedented political fragmentation—Myanmar is already divided into more than a dozen de facto regimes. This chaos has created numerous “no-man’s land” areas within Myanmar and along its borders with Thailand and China, providing opportunities for Chinese revisionists to intervene.
Thus, many Chinese capitalists, who originally relied on gambling, drug trafficking, human trafficking, and other vile means, under the call of the Chinese revisionist regime and the favorable conditions it created[2], began to stir, becoming the vanguard of Chinese colonialism in Myanmar. They colluded with warlords controlling border areas, bribing them with large sums to obtain sites for telecom fraud activities and armed support to suppress victims and local populations. With the tacit approval and support of the Chinese revisionist government, they act recklessly and domineeringly.
The earliest to enter the China-Myanmar border and establish the world’s largest scam parks was the black industry figure She Zhi Jiang, a representative of these Chinese revisionist colonial puppets. She Zhi Jiang made his fortune by running online gambling websites, earning 2.2 billion yuan from casino operations, and was wanted and convicted in absentia by the Chinese authorities, becoming a “fugitive.” However, shortly after, he transformed himself, joining the Chinese security ministry as an external agent (later even becoming vice president of the Chinese Overseas Chinese Business Association with official backing). In 2017, seeing the opportunity of the “China-Myanmar Economic Corridor,” he changed his name to Tang Lunkai and became a Cambodian citizen. Later, he entered Myanmar, bribed local warlord Su Qi Du with $300,000, and obtained development rights for the “Shui Gou Gu Special Zone,” beginning construction of telecom fraud parks.
Similarly, Macau mafia boss Yin Guoju also actively planned the construction of telecom fraud parks with Chinese support, colluding with minority armed groups such as the “Democratic Kachin Buddhist Army.” Shortly after establishing the Shui Gou Gu scam park, he obtained the development rights for the Saisi Port in Myanmar. Soon after, the notorious KK park also emerged under similar circumstances.
She Zhi Jiang openly stated: “Under the ‘Belt and Road’ initiative, overseas Chinese businessmen’s economy and the ‘Belt and Road’ are mutually dependent and interdependent.” The heinous capitalists can easily establish large-scale “telecom fraud” parks because the Chinese revisionist government has always been their strongest backer.
Before this telecom fraud incident was brought to the forefront, there was a large amount of black propaganda on Chinese internet claiming that these parks were “models of ‘Belt and Road’ cooperation.”
Unmasking the true culprit of imperialist invasion
“Cross-border telecom fraud” is actually a bloody crime activity born out of the bloodthirsty activities of bourgeois monopoly capitalists during their colonization of third-world countries. In the imperialist era, the inherent chaos and anarchy of capitalist production were further intensified. Monopoly replaced free competition, but monopoly did not eliminate competition—instead, it intensified it—conflicts and struggles existed within monopolistic organizations, among monopolistic groups, and between monopolistic and non-monopolistic enterprises. They fought fiercely over markets, raw materials, expanding monopolistic power, and controlling certain economic sectors or regions. Meanwhile, within imperialist countries, the “paying capacity” of the working people shrank day by day, and mass struggles arose one after another. Colonies that could plunder cheap raw materials, extract high monopoly profits, dump goods, and divert domestic conflicts became the essential conditions for imperialist survival.
After nearly fifty years of capitalist restoration, China’s revisionist regime has become the world’s second-largest imperialist power. As the three major contradictions of the imperialist era intensify, their ambitions to seize colonies rapidly expand. Under the guise of the “Belt and Road” initiative, China seeks its own colonies worldwide, and Myanmar, rich in resources and well-connected, has become one of its key targets in Southeast Asia.
Myanmar possesses abundant rare metal resources such as tin, tungsten, gold, and silver, as well as large quantities of oil, natural gas, and rubber. Its strategic location makes it a springboard for China’s imperialist expansion into South Asia: bordering China to the northeast, India and Bangladesh to the northwest, Laos and Thailand to the southeast, and facing the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea to the southwest. Once “taken over,” the gateway to the Indian Ocean will be fully opened. Additionally, Myanmar’s population of over 54 million makes it an important market for China’s expanding exports.
Since the beginning of this century, China has intensified its export of goods and capital to Myanmar, with a nearly double-digit annual growth rate in trade surplus. Using the “poppy substitution planting” as a pretext, China has expanded its capital in agriculture, aiming to turn Myanmar into a low-cost agricultural product production base. Since the official proposal of the “Belt and Road” initiative in 2013, China has heavily invested in infrastructure projects in Myanmar under the guise of “aid construction,” such as building the China-Myanmar oil and gas pipelines, laying transportation corridors, and laying the groundwork for larger-scale exports of goods and capital, further deepening colonial control over Myanmar.
Myanmar has a complex political situation as a semi-colonial, semi-feudal country. Historically, it has long been invaded by imperialist powers (mainly British imperialism). The colonizers implemented “divide and conquer” policies, artificially restricting the economic and political ties among Myanmar’s ethnic groups, and bribing the upper classes of minority ethnic groups to maintain their rule. These minority elites, supported by imperialism, formed armed forces and promoted division. The proletariat in Myanmar has never completed a new democratic revolution under the leadership of a communist party, resulting in long-standing, sharp, and complex ethnic and class contradictions. Locally, puppet forces supported by imperialist countries hold military power and fight among themselves; at the central government level, the “National Democratic Alliance” led by Aung San Suu Kyi and the “Myanmar Defense Forces” led by Min Aung Hlaing vie for power. The contradictions among comprador bourgeoisie factions within the central government, between the central government and regional armed forces, among regional armed forces themselves, and among imperialist powers invading Myanmar, converge within Myanmar, leading to unprecedented political fragmentation—Myanmar is already divided into more than a dozen de facto regimes. This chaos has created numerous “no-man’s land” areas within Myanmar and along its borders with Thailand and China, providing opportunities for Chinese revisionists to intervene.
Thus, many Chinese capitalists, who originally relied on gambling, drug trafficking, human trafficking, and other vile means, under the call of the Chinese revisionist regime and the favorable conditions it created[2], began to stir, becoming the vanguard of Chinese colonialism in Myanmar. They colluded with warlords controlling border areas, bribing them with large sums to obtain sites for telecom fraud activities and armed support to suppress victims and local populations. With the tacit approval and support of the Chinese revisionist government, they act recklessly and domineeringly.
The earliest to enter the China-Myanmar border and establish the world’s largest scam parks was the black industry figure She Zhi Jiang, a representative of these Chinese revisionist colonial puppets. She Zhi Jiang made his fortune by running online gambling websites, earning 2.2 billion yuan from casino operations, and was wanted and convicted in absentia by the Chinese authorities, becoming a “fugitive.” However, shortly after, he transformed himself, joining the Chinese security ministry as an external agent (later even becoming vice president of the Chinese Overseas Chinese Business Association with official backing). In 2017, seeing the opportunity of the “China-Myanmar Economic Corridor,” he changed his name to Tang Lunkai and became a Cambodian citizen. Later, he entered Myanmar, bribed local warlord Su Qi Du with $300,000, and obtained development rights for the “Shui Gou Gu Special Zone,” beginning construction of telecom fraud parks.
Similarly, Macau mafia boss Yin Guoju also actively planned the construction of telecom fraud parks with Chinese support, colluding with minority armed groups such as the “Democratic Kachin Buddhist Army.” Shortly after establishing the Shui Gou Gu scam park, he obtained the development rights for the Saisi Port in Myanmar. Soon after, the notorious KK park also emerged under similar circumstances.
She Zhi Jiang openly stated: “Under the ‘Belt and Road’ initiative, overseas Chinese businessmen’s economy and the ‘Belt and Road’ are mutually dependent and interdependent.” The heinous capitalists can easily establish large-scale “telecom fraud” parks because the Chinese revisionist government has always been their strongest backer.
Before this telecom fraud incident was brought to the forefront, there was a large amount of black propaganda on Chinese internet claiming that these parks were “models of ‘Belt and Road’ cooperation.”
Unmasking the true culprit of imperialist invasion
“Cross-border telecom fraud” is actually a bloody crime activity born out of the bloodthirsty activities of bourgeois monopoly capitalists during their colonization of third-world countries. In the imperialist era, the inherent chaos and anarchy of capitalist production were further intensified. Monopoly replaced free competition, but monopoly did not eliminate competition—instead, it intensified it—conflicts and struggles existed within monopolistic organizations, among monopolistic groups, and between monopolistic and non-monopolistic enterprises. They fought fiercely over markets, raw materials, expanding monopolistic power, and controlling certain economic sectors or regions. Meanwhile, within imperialist countries, the “paying capacity” of the working people shrank day by day, and mass struggles arose one after another. Colonies that could plunder cheap raw materials, extract high monopoly profits, dump goods, and divert domestic conflicts became the essential conditions for imperialist survival.
After nearly fifty years of capitalist restoration, China’s revisionist regime has become the world’s second-largest imperialist power. As the three major contradictions of the imperialist era intensify, their ambitions to seize colonies rapidly expand. Under the guise of the “Belt and Road” initiative, China seeks its own colonies worldwide, and Myanmar, rich in resources and well-connected, has become one of its key targets in Southeast Asia.
Myanmar possesses abundant rare metal resources such as tin, tungsten, gold, and silver, as well as large quantities of oil, natural gas, and rubber. Its strategic location makes it a springboard for China’s imperialist expansion into South Asia: bordering China to the northeast, India and Bangladesh to the northwest, Laos and Thailand to the southeast, and facing the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea to the southwest. Once “taken over,” the gateway to the Indian Ocean will be fully opened. Additionally, Myanmar’s population of over 54 million makes it an important market for China’s expanding exports.
Since the beginning of this century, China has intensified its export of goods and capital to Myanmar, with a nearly double-digit annual growth rate in trade surplus. Using the “poppy substitution planting” as a pretext, China has expanded its capital in agriculture, aiming to turn Myanmar into a low-cost agricultural product production base. Since the official proposal of the “Belt and Road” initiative in 2013, China has heavily invested in infrastructure projects in Myanmar under the guise of “aid construction,” such as building the China-Myanmar oil and gas pipelines, laying transportation corridors, and laying the groundwork for larger-scale exports of goods and capital, further deepening colonial control over Myanmar.
Myanmar has a complex political situation as a semi-colonial, semi-feudal country. Historically, it has long been invaded by imperialist powers (mainly British imperialism). The colonizers implemented “divide and conquer” policies, artificially restricting the economic and political ties among Myanmar’s ethnic groups, and bribing the upper classes of minority ethnic groups to maintain their rule. These minority elites, supported by imperialism, formed armed forces and promoted division. The proletariat in Myanmar has never completed a new democratic revolution under the leadership of a communist party, resulting in long-standing, sharp, and complex ethnic and class contradictions. Locally, puppet forces supported by imperialist countries hold military power and fight among themselves; at the central government level, the “National Democratic Alliance” led by Aung San Suu Kyi and the “Myanmar Defense Forces” led by Min Aung Hlaing vie for power. The contradictions among comprador bourgeoisie factions within the central government, between the central government and regional armed forces, among regional armed forces themselves, and among imperialist powers invading Myanmar, converge within Myanmar, leading to unprecedented political fragmentation—Myanmar is already divided into more than a dozen de facto regimes. This chaos has created numerous “no-man’s land” areas within Myanmar and along its borders with Thailand and China, providing opportunities for Chinese revisionists to intervene.
Thus, many Chinese capitalists, who originally relied on gambling, drug trafficking, human trafficking, and other vile means, under the call of the Chinese revisionist regime and the favorable conditions it created[2], began to stir, becoming the vanguard of Chinese colonialism in Myanmar. They colluded with warlords controlling border areas, bribing them with large sums to obtain sites for telecom fraud activities and armed support to suppress victims and local populations. With the tacit approval and support of the Chinese revisionist government, they act recklessly and domineeringly.
The earliest to enter the China-Myanmar border and establish the world’s largest scam parks was the black industry figure She Zhi Jiang, a representative of these Chinese revisionist colonial puppets. She Zhi Jiang made his fortune by running online gambling websites, earning 2.2 billion yuan from casino operations, and was wanted and convicted in absentia by the Chinese authorities, becoming a “fugitive.” However, shortly after, he transformed himself, joining the Chinese security ministry as an external agent (later even becoming vice president of the Chinese Overseas Chinese Business Association with official backing). In 2017, seeing the opportunity of the “China-Myanmar Economic Corridor,” he changed his name to Tang Lunkai and became a Cambodian citizen. Later, he entered Myanmar, bribed local warlord Su Qi Du with $300,000, and obtained development rights for the “Shui Gou Gu Special Zone,” beginning construction of telecom fraud parks.
Similarly, Macau mafia boss Yin Guoju also actively planned the construction of telecom fraud parks with Chinese support, colluding with minority armed groups such as the “Democratic Kachin Buddhist Army.” Shortly after establishing the Shui Gou Gu scam park, he obtained the development rights for the Saisi Port in Myanmar. Soon after, the notorious KK park also emerged under similar circumstances.
She Zhi Jiang openly stated: “Under the ‘Belt and Road’ initiative, overseas Chinese businessmen’s economy and the ‘Belt and Road’ are mutually dependent and interdependent.” The heinous capitalists can easily establish large-scale “telecom fraud” parks because the Chinese revisionist government has always been their strongest backer.
Before this telecom fraud incident was brought to the forefront, there was a large amount of black propaganda on Chinese internet claiming that these parks were “models of ‘Belt and Road’ cooperation.”
Unmasking the true culprit of imperialist invasion
“Cross-border telecom fraud” is actually a bloody crime activity born out of the bloodthirsty activities of bourgeois monopoly capitalists during their colonization of third-world countries. In the imperialist era, the inherent chaos and anarchy of capitalist production were further intensified. Monopoly replaced free competition, but monopoly did not eliminate competition—instead, it intensified it—conflicts and struggles existed within monopolistic organizations, among monopolistic groups, and between monopolistic and non-monopolistic enterprises. They fought fiercely over markets, raw materials, expanding monopolistic power, and controlling certain economic sectors or regions. Meanwhile, within imperialist countries, the “paying capacity” of the working people shrank day by day, and mass struggles arose one after another. Colonies that could plunder cheap raw materials, extract high monopoly profits, dump goods, and divert domestic conflicts became the essential conditions for imperialist survival.
After nearly fifty years of capitalist restoration, China’s revisionist regime has become the world’s second-largest imperialist power. As the three major contradictions of the imperialist era intensify, their ambitions to seize colonies rapidly expand. Under the guise of the “Belt and Road” initiative, China seeks its own colonies worldwide, and Myanmar, rich in resources and well-connected, has become one of its key targets in Southeast Asia.
Myanmar possesses abundant rare metal resources such as tin, tungsten, gold, and silver, as well as large quantities of oil, natural gas, and rubber. Its strategic location makes it a springboard for China’s imperialist expansion into South Asia: bordering China to the northeast, India and Bangladesh to the northwest, Laos and Thailand to the southeast, and facing the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea to the southwest. Once “taken over,” the gateway to the Indian Ocean will be fully opened. Additionally, Myanmar’s population of over 54 million makes it an important market for China’s expanding exports.
Since the beginning of this century, China has intensified its export of goods and capital to Myanmar, with a nearly double-digit annual growth rate in trade surplus. Using the “poppy substitution planting” as a pretext, China has expanded its capital in agriculture, aiming to turn Myanmar into a low-cost agricultural product production base. Since the official proposal of the “Belt and Road” initiative in 2013, China has heavily invested in infrastructure projects in Myanmar under the guise of “aid construction,” such as building the China-Myanmar oil and gas pipelines, laying transportation corridors, and laying the groundwork for larger-scale exports of goods and capital, further deepening colonial control over Myanmar.
Myanmar has a complex political situation as a semi-colonial, semi-feudal country. Historically, it has long been invaded by imperialist powers (mainly British imperialism). The colonizers implemented “divide and conquer” policies, artificially restricting the economic and political ties among Myanmar’s ethnic groups, and bribing the upper classes of minority ethnic groups to maintain their rule. These minority elites, supported by imperialism, formed armed forces and promoted division. The proletariat in Myanmar has never completed a new democratic revolution under the leadership of a communist party, resulting in long-standing, sharp, and complex ethnic and class contradictions. Locally, puppet forces supported by imperialist countries hold military power and fight among themselves; at the central government level, the “National Democratic Alliance” led by Aung San Suu Kyi and the “Myanmar Defense Forces” led by Min Aung Hlaing vie for power. The contradictions among comprador bourgeoisie factions within the central government, between the central government and regional armed forces, among regional armed forces themselves, and among imperialist powers invading Myanmar, converge within Myanmar, leading to unprecedented political fragmentation—Myanmar is already divided into more than a dozen de facto regimes. This chaos has created numerous “no-man’s land” areas within Myanmar and along its borders with Thailand and China, providing opportunities for Chinese revisionists to intervene.
Thus, many Chinese capitalists, who originally relied on gambling, drug trafficking, human trafficking, and other vile means, under the call of the Chinese revisionist regime and the favorable conditions it created[2], began to stir, becoming the vanguard of Chinese colonialism in Myanmar. They colluded with warlords controlling border areas, bribing them with large sums to obtain sites for telecom fraud activities and armed support to suppress victims and local populations. With the tacit approval and support of the Chinese revisionist government, they act recklessly and domineeringly.
The earliest to enter the China-Myanmar border and establish the world’s largest scam parks was the black industry figure She Zhi Jiang, a representative of these Chinese revisionist colonial puppets. She Zhi Jiang made his fortune by running online gambling websites, earning 2.2 billion yuan from casino operations, and was wanted and convicted in absentia by the Chinese authorities, becoming a “fugitive.” However, shortly after, he transformed himself, joining the Chinese security ministry as an external agent (later even becoming vice president of the Chinese Overseas Chinese Business Association with official backing). In 2017, seeing the opportunity of the “China-Myanmar Economic Corridor,” he changed his name to Tang Lunkai and became a Cambodian citizen. Later, he entered Myanmar, bribed local warlord Su Qi Du with $300,000, and obtained development rights for the “Shui Gou Gu Special Zone,” beginning construction of telecom fraud parks.
Similarly, Macau mafia boss Yin Guoju also actively planned the construction of telecom fraud parks with Chinese support, colluding with minority armed groups such as the “Democratic Kachin Buddhist Army.” Shortly after establishing the Shui Gou Gu scam park, he obtained the development rights for the Saisi Port in Myanmar. Soon after, the notorious KK park also emerged under similar circumstances.
She Zhi Jiang openly stated: “Under the ‘Belt and Road’ initiative, overseas Chinese businessmen’s economy and the ‘Belt and Road’ are mutually dependent and interdependent.” The heinous capitalists can easily establish large-scale “telecom fraud” parks because the Chinese revisionist government has always been their strongest backer.
Before this telecom fraud incident was brought to the forefront, there was a large amount of black propaganda on Chinese internet claiming that these parks were “models of ‘Belt and Road’ cooperation.”
Unmasking the true culprit of imperialist invasion
“Cross-border telecom fraud” is actually a bloody crime activity born out of the bloodthirsty activities of bourgeois monopoly capitalists during their colonization of third-world countries. In the imperialist era, the inherent chaos and anarchy of capitalist production were further intensified. Monopoly replaced free competition, but monopoly did not eliminate competition—instead, it intensified it—conflicts and struggles existed within monopolistic organizations, among monopolistic groups, and between monopolistic and non-monopolistic enterprises. They fought fiercely over markets, raw materials, expanding monopolistic power, and controlling certain economic sectors or regions. Meanwhile, within imperialist countries, the “paying capacity” of the working people shrank day by day, and mass struggles arose one after another. Colonies that could plunder cheap raw materials, extract high monopoly profits, dump goods, and divert domestic conflicts became the essential conditions for imperialist survival.
After nearly fifty years of capitalist restoration, China’s revisionist regime has become the world’s second-largest imperialist power. As the three major contradictions of the imperialist era intensify, their ambitions to seize colonies rapidly expand. Under the guise of the “Belt and Road” initiative, China seeks its own colonies worldwide, and Myanmar, rich in resources and well-connected, has become one of its key targets in Southeast Asia.
Myanmar possesses abundant rare metal resources such as tin, tungsten, gold, and silver, as well as large quantities of oil, natural gas, and rubber. Its strategic location makes it a springboard for China’s imperialist expansion into South Asia: bordering China to the northeast, India and Bangladesh to the northwest, Laos and Thailand to the southeast, and facing the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea to the southwest. Once “taken over,” the gateway to the Indian Ocean will be fully opened. Additionally, Myanmar’s population of over 54 million makes it an important market for China’s expanding exports.
Since the beginning of this century, China has intensified its export of goods and capital to Myanmar, with a nearly double-digit annual growth rate in trade surplus. Using the “poppy substitution planting” as a pretext, China has expanded its capital in agriculture, aiming to turn Myanmar into a low-cost agricultural product production base. Since the official proposal of the “Belt and Road” initiative in 2013, China has heavily invested in infrastructure projects in Myanmar under the guise of “aid construction,” such as building the China-Myanmar oil and gas pipelines, laying transportation corridors, and laying the groundwork for larger-scale exports of goods and capital, further deepening colonial control over Myanmar.
Myanmar has a complex political situation as a semi-colonial, semi-feudal country. Historically, it has long been invaded by imperialist powers (mainly British imperialism). The colonizers implemented “divide and conquer” policies, artificially restricting the economic and political ties among Myanmar’s ethnic groups, and bribing the upper classes of minority ethnic groups to maintain their rule. These minority elites, supported by imperialism, formed armed forces and promoted division. The proletariat in Myanmar has never completed a new democratic revolution under the leadership of a communist party, resulting in long-standing, sharp, and complex ethnic and class contradictions. Locally, puppet forces supported by imperialist countries hold military power and fight among themselves; at the central government level, the “National Democratic Alliance” led by Aung San Suu Kyi and the “Myanmar Defense Forces” led by Min Aung Hlaing vie for power. The contradictions among comprador bourgeoisie factions within the central government, between the central government and regional armed forces, among regional armed forces themselves, and among imperialist powers invading Myanmar, converge within Myanmar, leading to unprecedented political fragmentation—Myanmar is already divided into more than a dozen de facto regimes. This chaos has created numerous “no-man’s land” areas within Myanmar and along its borders with Thailand and China, providing opportunities for Chinese revisionists to intervene.
Thus, many Chinese capitalists, who originally relied on gambling, drug
Finally, the Chinese revisionist regime takes these scam zones they have established as a pretext to continue expanding their colonial invasion in the future. In the early stages of the Wang Xing incident, the Chinese government appeared to adopt a very indifferent attitude, but in fact, they allowed a large number of official media and self-media to promote chauvinist ideas on a large scale. They divert public attention from domestic hot topics while wrapping their brutal interference in foreign police and government colonial actions in the guise of “cracking down on telecom fraud” and “saving Chinese citizens,” secretly preparing for further colonial activities—an article published in the Global Times titled “China-Myanmar-Thailand Crackdown on Telecom Fraud, From Suppression to Governance” reveals the ambitions of the Chinese revisionists: the article mentions that they aim not only to establish a “long-term cooperation mechanism to combat cross-border crime” but also to “realize bilateral and multilateral legal cooperation, intelligence sharing, law enforcement expansion, and supervision and accountability systems... empowering technology to combat telecom fraud,” and to “shift from ‘suppression’ to ‘governance’ of telecom fraud, expanding the connotation and scope of China-ASEAN non-traditional security cooperation.” Behind these pompous words lies the future colonial plan of the Chinese revisionists, which involves obtaining intelligence from more Third World countries, implementing barbaric SIM card real-name systems to suppress dissent, promoting national anti-fraud apps to strengthen monitoring, and conducting more comprehensive commodity and capital exports. They are simply saying: China must invade the economies of Southeast Asian countries, control their vital economic arteries, and expand its sphere of influence.
In summary, these “telecom fraud” zones are not just ordinary areas; they are a key step and inevitable result of the Chinese revisionist reactionary group’s colonial invasion policy against Myanmar and Southeast Asia—deeper and more terrifying colonial activities will be carried out based on these telecom fraud zones. The real culprits who send countless innocent Myanmar and Chinese people into these scam zones are none other than the Chinese revisionist government itself!
Unite, for blood debts must be paid with blood!
The Chinese revisionist government, which has caused countless blood debts in Myanmar’s telecom fraud zones, not only refuses to admit its mistakes but also, like all reactionaries in history, fabricates counter-revolutionary public opinion to cover up its crimes. The victims of the Myanmar telecom fraud incident are not only exploited by scam groups protected by the Chinese revisionists, tortured and even killed in concentration camps, but are also smeared by the mouthpieces nurtured by the Chinese revisionists, who call them “voluntary” and “deserving,” claiming that they “went willingly” and “deserved it.” Their families are left without recourse, suffering from the uncertainty of their loved ones’ lives and deaths, and are slandered by the Chinese revisionist mouthpieces as accomplices and enablers of fraud—after the Wang Xing incident, the Chinese revisionists quickly launched their usual “victim-blaming” rhetoric, slandering the masses who were deceived into going to the telecom fraud zones. They spread statements like “Anti-fraud police expose the truth of telecom fraud in northern Myanmar: ‘95% of people went voluntarily’” [4], attacking the deceived victims as “damned ghosts” that are “difficult to persuade,” and even instructing their mouthpieces to falsely claim that “those who were deceived knew they were engaging in telecom fraud” [5], “and a considerable portion of their families support this,” shamelessly! In fact, just picking any victim’s information from the “Star Return Home Plan” documents banned by the Chinese revisionists is enough to shatter their lies—many of these victims are either parents in poor health needing money to support their families, or urgently need large sums for surgery, or have lost their jobs and are unemployed at home, struggling to survive... In short, most of them are driven by life’s hardships, and in desperation, they fell into the trap of telecom fraud.
Who exactly has driven these workers into poverty and destitution? Who has led them step by step into the trap out of “desperation for survival”? It’s none other than the bureaucratic bourgeoisie of the Chinese revisionists! They have become rich by exploiting the laboring people, creating mass unemployment, low wages, and insecure “flexible employment,” and by squeezing, plundering, and suppressing workers’ struggles, they have pushed hundreds of millions into the brink of survival. Those who are deceived into the zones, subjected to slavery and slaughter, are not, as the Chinese revisionist court writers claim, “guilty of seeking easy work,” but victims created by the false propaganda, state machinery, and local gangs colluding together. They are innocent victims exploited by the Chinese revisionist monopoly bourgeoisie, deceived, sold, and slaughtered. Conversely, the Chinese revisionists point fingers at the victims, falsely accusing them of fraud, disguising the real executioners as “victims,” attempting to cover up their heinous crimes behind this deception [6]. They are not ignoring the voice of the people but openly suppressing all resistance; they are not indifferent but are blatantly siding with telecom fraud gangs and bureaucratic capital to attack the masses! The Chinese revisionist government is not “shameful before the people,” but fundamentally does not regard the people as human beings! Their actions are clear evidence of the reactionary rule of the imperialist stage of monopoly capitalism.
The reason why the Chinese revisionists spread the “victim-blaming” rhetoric so extensively is because they believe that as long as they label the victims as “voluntary,” their crimes of establishing Myanmar telecom fraud zones will be concealed under their “rescue of victims” heroism. They think that by turning victims into “perpetrators,” they can deceive the masses, isolate the families of Myanmar’s trafficking victims, incite mass conflict, and then escape from the center of struggle, transforming themselves into the “great motherland” that “generously rescues” the Myanmar fraudsters.
Unfortunately, the families of Myanmar’s fraud victims and the broad masses have not yet fully recognized the true face of the Chinese revisionists, and their movement to rescue loved ones is currently in a downturn. This situation is caused not only by external suppression from the Chinese revisionists’ propaganda and actions but also by internal reasons within the movement.
First, the class composition of the victims and their families is very complex, including some bourgeois celebrities and their relatives. They depend economically on the bourgeoisie and their ideological views are closely aligned with bourgeois ideology. These bourgeois celebrities’ families only hope to use the momentum created by the masses in this movement to save their own money-making schemes; once their goals are achieved, they will not hesitate to withdraw. These bourgeois celebrities, after being rescued, will not care about the interests of other trafficked victims but will only “thank the motherland.” Like Wang Xing, they will betray their past suffering and abuse without hesitation, silently return to China, and even lie in interviews that “Thailand is safe, and I will come again if I have the chance.”
Second, apart from the bourgeois celebrities who play a negative role in the movement, a group of bourgeois liberals also infiltrated the movement with personal ambitions to profit from the masses. The well-known liberal blogger “Teacher Li is not your teacher” pretended to help victims and their families, quickly took over after the “Star Return Home Plan” documents were banned, created a shared document called “Ten Million Stars Return Home,” and claimed: “The information collected in this form can be freely used by any media, NGO, etc., to promote public opinion and increase rescue possibilities.” But in reality, after receiving submissions from victims’ families, he did nothing truly beneficial for the victims, merely registering the information and counting the proportion of cases filed and not filed, then ignoring it afterward.
Moreover, even this small task of collecting and publishing data, “Teacher Li” left to volunteers, while he himself sat back and collected fame, rushing to issue virtual currency “$Li,” which earned over two million dollars. Some other liberals are busy digging online for the relationships between the capitalists managing the zones and the Chinese revisionist traitors, eager to find evidence that Xi Jinping personally ordered telecom fraud activities related to human trafficking. They indulge in various “big scoops,” showing no concern for the victims’ plight or how to genuinely help them. As parasites who eat the laboring people’s flesh, they only seek to satisfy their own fame and wealth, aiming to replace the Chinese revisionist ruling class as new oppressors, and are utterly incapable of genuinely helping the victims trapped in the zones.
Some victims’ families have tried to petition at the police station, but were quickly dragged away by reactionary police violence
Finally, the struggle of the victims’ families is spontaneous and isolated, which has led to the downturn of the movement to rescue victims. Their struggles are mostly individual efforts, lacking organization, leadership, and unified action plans, making it impossible to sustain widespread attention or exert pressure on the Chinese revisionist government to rescue the victims. They often petition the government through platforms like Douyin, Weibo, or offline complaints, but these protests are usually violently suppressed by the Chinese revisionist government—for example, on January 2, some victims’ families protested outside the Yunnan Public Security Department, demanding an investigation, but were met with police violence. Without a leadership organization capable of guiding and sustaining the movement, the spontaneous resistance of the victims’ families ultimately failed, and the “Star Return Home Plan” document sank into silence.
So, is there no hope for the movement to rescue victims? Not at all! In fact, after the Wang Xing incident, some telecom fraud zones were indeed targeted and struck, because the Kachin people in Myanmar stood with the Chinese people—after Thailand, at the Chinese revisionists’ request, cut off electricity and internet to the zones, ordinary Kachin people suffering under the oppression of the fraud gangs rose up, exerting enormous pressure on local warlords protecting the scams, demanding they end the abuse in the zones. Under the pressure of the Kachin masses, some victims managed to escape, and local warlord troops withdrew from some zones.
This shows that relying solely on the individual efforts of the victims’ families cannot change the situation or recover their kidnapped loved ones. “Kinship and class are intertwined,” as long as the victims’ families unite with the Myanmar people who are also oppressed by the Chinese revisionist bureaucratic bourgeoisie, their strength will greatly increase, and the hope of rescuing victims will also rise.
In conclusion, in the face of the current downturn of the movement, the victims’ families should first try to unite, eliminate the misconception that petitioning and complaining alone can make the Chinese revisionists show kindness; they should establish a unified goal and carry out unified actions. Protesters should demand that the Chinese revisionist government classify this incident as “human trafficking” rather than “fraud” or “forced labor” (since fraud charges may cause some who engaged in scams for survival to still face imprisonment after returning home), and strive to rescue those forcibly engaged in scams in northern Myanmar, and to treat them leniently after their return.
Meanwhile, protesters should also demand a thorough investigation of the behind-the-scenes black hands behind Myanmar’s telecom fraud, punish them severely, and disclose the truth to the public. As long as the Chinese revisionists continue to tolerate or even support the existence of Myanmar (or other Southeast Asian countries) scam zones, the Chinese people will remain at risk of being trafficked, enslaved, and exploited, and their property will be at risk of being stolen by the scam zones. As long as the ruling class of the Chinese revisionists does not cease their invasion of Southeast Asian peoples or their attempt to turn these vast countries into colonies, they will continue to establish scam zones across Southeast Asia, trampling on foreign land, ravaging foreign peoples, and creating hell on earth everywhere in the world.
“The people, only the people, are the driving force behind the creation of world history.” [7] We must unswervingly rely on the power of the masses, persistently carry out political propaganda and political exposure work, so that all the people of China and the world, especially the peoples of Southeast Asia, recognize the heinous crimes committed by the Chinese revisionists. Only by gaining the widespread support of the broad masses at home and abroad can we suppress the arrogance of the Chinese revisionist government, and only then can the movement achieve results.
Today’s Chinese society, under the reactionary rule of the Chinese revisionists, is already full of wrongful cases and blood tears. In the case of Myanmar telecom fraud alone, the victims number in the tens of thousands, and throughout China and the world, how many more are suffering under the joint oppression of capitalism, imperialism, and revisionism? How many proletarians, like those sold into Myanmar telecom zones, are still silently groaning in slavery, being sold, enslaved, and exploited? We can no longer remain silent in the face of all this!
The victims of Myanmar’s scams and their families must act, unite with the Chinese working class, with the peoples of Southeast Asia, and with oppressed people around the world! Only by uniting can we break isolation, break silence, and tear apart the mask of the Chinese revisionists with a real struggle! Chinese workers should support this righteous anti-colonial and anti-oppression fight through strikes, protests, and street actions. All oppressed people should unite, combining the struggle against reactionary regimes at home with the resistance against colonial rule abroad, and gather all anger, suffering, blood, and tears into a torrent to overthrow this reactionary system!
This struggle must be led by the true vanguard of the proletariat. Only a firm Marxist organization can turn scattered voices into a united command, transform isolated anger into a unified armed force, and turn today’s accusations into tomorrow’s judgment. Only the revolutionary proletariat has the courage and strength to smash this darkness with the hammer of overthrowing the old world!
The countless young men and women tortured to death in Myanmar’s telecom fraud zones are brothers and sisters betrayed and slaughtered by the Chinese revisionists and capital. Their vengeful spirits are calling—not tears, not mourning, but revenge!
The blood of all betrayed victims around the world must be paid back by the betrayers! All reactionaries—whether cloaked in national garments or waving the banner of development—must pay for every drop of proletarian blood!
Let us shout once more:
“Workers of the world and oppressed nations, unite!” [8]
For the dead, for the living, for the future generations—
We must overthrow the Chinese revisionists! We must smash imperialism! We must utterly destroy this cannibalistic system!
- Guangzhou Public Opinion Monitoring System: “Analysis Report on the Online Public Opinion Monitoring of Actor Wang Xing’s Disappearance at the Thailand-Myanmar Border,” http://www.jiayuyuqing.com/?p=2202#page-content. ↑
- In 2017, the Chinese revisionist government held the so-called “Belt and Road” international cooperation summit in Beijing, accelerating its invasion expansion. In April, the China-Myanmar oil pipeline was officially put into operation. In November, the Chinese revisionist government proposed building a “Herringbone” China-Myanmar economic corridor, attempting to resume the stalled China-Myanmar railway construction after the fall of the pro-Chinese revisionist military government in 2011, extending its invasion into Myanmar. The comprador government of Myanmar also introduced policies favorable to Chinese revisionist capital export, allowing companies investing in several “least developed regions” in Myanmar to enjoy a seven-year tax exemption. ↑
- Kifurov: “Organized Crime in the Service of Monopolies in the United States,” Law Press, 1956. ↑
- Tencent News: “Anti-fraud police reveal the truth of telecom fraud in northern Myanmar: ‘95% of people went voluntarily’,” https://news.qq.com/rain/a/20230828A07XCS00. ↑
- https://www.bilibili.com/video/BV1GN4y1R7D6. ↑
- Those deceived into telecom fraud zones, enduring daily beatings and torture, are mostly sentenced to heavy crimes after returning home. Meanwhile, the high-level executives and thugs who truly profit from these scams are brought back to China by the Chinese revisionist government under the guise of “rescuing telecom fraud victims,” allowing them to continue their lawless ways. ↑
- Mao Zedong: “On the United Front,” Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Volume 4. ↑
- Comintern: “Oriental Nations” magazine. ↑